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AN ILLUSTRATED DICT

aS BLACK AND rune as GREEN

Illustrations by Tessa Rickards

É:

Gods, Demons and
Symbols of
Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary

Jeremy Black and Anthony Green

Illustrations by ‘Tessa Rickards

THE BRITISH MUSEUM PRESS

Jeremy Black

The late Dr Black, formerly Director of the British
School of Archaeology in Iraq, was a Fellow of Wolfson
College, Oxford, and University Lecturer in Akkadian.
He was the author of several studies on Sumerian and
Babylonian literature and ancient philology, and headed
the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature
project (http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk)

Anthony Green

Dr Green has formerly held the positions of Fellow of the
British School of Archaeology in Iraq, J. Paul Getty
Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the History of Art at the
University of Pennsylvania, G.A. Wainwright Research
Fellow in Near Eastern Archaeology at Oxford University,
and Alexander von Humboldt Research Fellow at the Free
University of Berlin. He is currently Shinji Shumeikai
Senior Academic Research Fellow in Near Eastern Art and
Archaeology at the Free University of Berlin. He has
conducted extensive archaeological fieldwork in Syria and
Iraq and writes on ancient Mesopotamian art and
archaeology.

Tessa Rickards

Tessa Rickards is a freelance archaeological illustrator
specialising in ancient Mesopotamia. She has worked as an illus-
trator on numerous international excavations in the Middle
East. She is an MA graduate of the Institute of Archaeology,
University College London.

Front cover: Green jasper seal depicting a conflict between two
heroes, a bull-man, a bull and a lion. Dated 2250 BC, origin
unknown.

Frontispiece: A nude winged goddess on a large-scale baked clay
plaque in high relief: The deity portrayed may be an underworld
aspect of [Star nana). Old Babylonian or Isin-Larsa Period.

Ht. 0.49 m.

A division of The British Museum Company Ltd
46 Bloomsbury Street, London wc1B 3QQ

First published 1992
Second edition 1998
Reprinted 2003, 2004

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the
British Library.

ISBN 0 7141 1705 6

Cover design by Andrew Shoolbred

Typeset in Ehrhardt and printed in Great Britain by
The Bath Press, Bath

Authors’ note

The names and concepts of Mesopotamian religion are recorded in two
languages, Sumerian and Akkadian. Where possible, words have been listed
in this dictionary in their Sumerian form, with only a cross-reference under
the Akkadian name. Thus the goddess Ištar (Akkadian), for instance, is dealt
with under her Sumerian name Inana. However, within the entries, the
Sumerian or Akkadian name is used as appropriate, depending on the
sources or periods referred to. A number of Mesopotamian names are
commonly used in modern books (including this one) in Greek or Latin
forms (especially place-names, e.g. (Greek) Babylon for Akkadian Babili), or
in a form in which they occur in the Authorised Version of the Old Testa-
ment (especially the names of Assyrian kings, e.g. Sennacherib for Akkadian
Sin-ahhé-eriba). Similarly, archaeological sites are sometimes known by
their modern Arabic names, e.g. Abii Shahrain for Sumerian Eridu.

Of course we have no exact information on the pronunciation of the
Akkadian or Sumerian languages, but scholars have reconstructed an
approximate system based on comparison with other Semitic languages and
on ancient transcriptions into Greek. A simplified guide to this is as follows:

All letters are pronounced.

The four vowels a e i u are always pronounced as in Italian (i.e. as ‘ah’, ‘ay’,
‘ee’, ‘00’).

The signs ` or ~ over vowels mark them as long.

The letter g is always hard, as in ‘god’, not soft, as in ‘gem’.

The symbol § indicates the sound sh, as in ‘shop’.

The symbol & in Sumerian words indicates the sound ng, as in ‘sing’.

The letters s, t and q indicate ‘emphatic’ forms of the consonants s, t and k
(and can be pronounced as s, t and k).

The letter h always indicates the guttural sound ch, as in ‘loch’. This means
that -Sh- indicates two sounds — sh followed by guttural ch — not just sh.

Words beginning with § are listed separately after those beginning with s.

Because our understanding both of the cuneiform writing system and of
the languages written in it has improved enormously since the early days of
Assyriology (as this study has come to be known), ancient names sometimes

Authors’ note

appear written differently in early publications. For instance, we now know
that in the name of the god Ninurta, the sign 1B should be read as URTA, butin
older books ‘Ninib’ will be found. This corresponds to the same group of
signs in Sumerian, but is now out of date as a transcription. The books in the
reading list on pages 191-2 all use the transcriptions currently favoured by
the majority of scholars.

Illustrations have been chosen to accompany many of the entries in this
book. Drawings are particularly useful to show iconographic details or
scenes, or the occasional relatively simple object. Most have been drawn by
Tessa Rickards especially for this work. In other cases photographs have
been preferred in order to give a clearer picture of the objects themselves.
Although each of these illustrations has been selected with a particular theme
in mind, they often contain elements which illustrate aspects covered in other
entries. Therefore, each illustration has been numbered in sequence and the
numbers of any that are relevant are printed in the margins of the text. Visual
representations of some of the supernatural beings and the major symbols of
the gods in art are given in illustrations 53 and 76.

Introduction

Ancient Mesopotamia was the home of some of the world’s earliest cities, and
the place where writing was invented. For these two major developments
alone — urban society and literate society — it might justly be titled the ‘cradle
of civilisation’, but in its literature, its religious philosophies and no less in
its art it can also be placed firmly as the direct ancestor of the Western world.

Our knowledge of the civilisation of ancient Mesopotamia is constantly
expanding. A hundred and fifty years after the first modern excavations,
archaeological work in the Near East continues unabated and new dis-.
coveries are constantly being made which add to, reshape and refine our
assessments of some of the most staggering human achievements of anti-
quity. At the sites of ancient settlements and in the museums of Iraq and of
other countries one can contemplate and wonder at the monuments, arts,
handicrafts and utensils of daily life of the Mesopotamians. Thanks to the
Mesopotamians’ own greatest invention — writing — and modern decipher-

1 Worshippers stare
wide-eyed at the heavens.
Limestone statues found with
numerous others buried in a
shrine of an Early Dynastic
temple at ESnunna (modern
Tell Asmar). The eyeballs are
of inlaid shell. Ht. of each
statue 0.34m.

Introduction

2 (below) A typical ancient mound (or tell) site of southern Mesopotamia.
A view of Eridu.

3 (right) Cuneiform (wedge-shaped) writing. The names and titles of
Hammurabi, king of Babylon in the early second millennium Bc, from the
stone monument inscribed with his Laws.

la
el

Ess Tro HHS
—

LE = Te ETC]

ment of the languages in which they expressed themselves, we can read their
literature, reconstruct their history and learn something of their thoughts.
This is not to say that vast amounts of research do not still remain to be
done. If some areas of history can be reconstructed down to the smallest
detail, there are periods where enormous gaps in our knowledge remain. If
numerous copies survive of one poem, there are many others of which only
fragments have been recovered. If we can trace the use and meaning of some
religious motifs throughout thousands of yéars, there remain some whose
significance still eludes us completely. There is a constant need for skilled
archaeologists and scholarly researchers to sift through the great wealth of
evidence coming to light. But for the general reader, several reliable
accounts of Mesopotamian civilisation, together with the story of how it has
been revealed to us, are now available (see pages 191-2). There are lavishly
illustrated books showing the full range of ancient art, from temple architec-
ture and palace reliefs to cylinder seals and filigree jewellery. And gradually,
accurate and readable modern translations of the extensive Sumerian and
Babylonian literatures are appearing, together with explanatory studies.
This book does not attempt to emulate the breadth or detail of such works,
but rather to serve as an introductory guidebook for those who are tempted to
read for the first time about ancient Mesopotamia, and especially to those

Introduction

whose interest is drawn to the belief systems of ancient peoples as revealed in
their art and in their writings. It is not intended to be a complete survey of
religion and beliefs, and necessarily reflects the particular interests of the
authors. There are a number of extended essays, which are complemented by
shorter entries covering the most interesting individual deities, motifs and
symbols, and a selection of other topics. Inevitably much has been omitted.

The uses to which cuneiform writing was put in Mesopotamia have
ensured that, in addition to administrative, commercial and historical docu-
ments, extensive attention was paid to the recording of religious matters. In
pre-modern societies, religion had a much more pervasive influence on every
aspect of life: government and politics, social relations, education and litera-
ture were all dominated by it. Thus in this context we subsume under the
term religion a wide sweep of ideas and beliefs ranging from magic at one
extreme to philosophy at the other. A very considerable portion of ancient art,
too, was produced within this broad religious sphere, or using motifs and
images derived from religious traditions. The gods, goddesses and demons,
the motifs, symbols and religious beliefs of the several thousand years of
Mesopotamian civilisation are bewilderingly complex to the modern reader
who stands on the threshold of that world. The authors hope that this dic-
tionary can be used as a first reference book to accompany them on their
journey within.

Peoples and places

The cultures of Mesopotamia grew up through the interplay, clash and
fusion of different peoples, with their separate social systems, religious be-
liefs and pantheons, languages and political structures. Uniquely, Meso-
potamia was a crossroads and melting-pot for vastly different groups of
peoples over thousands of years from the prehistoric periods to the Persian
conquest. Moreover, although the potential productivity and prosperity of
the region was the impetus for extensive and prolonged immigration, the area
has no real geographical unity, nor any obvious or permanent capital, so that
it is in marked contrast to civilisations of greater uniformity, such as Egypt.
There are, however, a few unifying factors, such as the cuneiform script for
writing, the pantheon of gods which through syncretism and assimilation
was an evolving tradition, and the highly conservative works of art, especially
religious art. In these fields, at least, it is therefore possible to speak of
something uniquely ‘Mesopotamian’.

The map on page 10 shows the ancient Near East. Mesopotamia — ‘the land
between two rivers’ — was a name given first by the Greeks to the exceptionally
fertile river valley of the twin streams Tigris and Euphrates, which both rise
in the mountains of Turkey. The Tigris flows faster and deeper, has more

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aweu 22t]d juərpgue = NPLIY @ I g SI

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NVANVa
“WALIGAW

yse J, URISIY

yesureg,
š

Introduction

affluents and is more prone to flood than the Euphrates, which follows a more
circuitous course until it joins the Tigris in the very south of Iraq and they
flow together as the Shatt al-‘Arab down to the Gulf (of which the shoreline
may have been slightly further north in ancient times). More generally, the
term Mesopotamia is used to cover the whole extent of the civilisation associ-
ated with this region, so that the term effectively includes an area extending
outside the borders of modern Iraq into Syria, and parts of Turkey and Iran.
At its greatest extent, the influence of Mesopotamian civilisation could be felt
as far away as modern Iran, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia
and the Gulf States, Turkey, Cyprus and Greece; there were also commer-
cial connections with the Indus Valley (Pakistan). Mesopotamia proper can
be divided into two regions, corresponding to two once-great empires and,
later, to two provinces of the Persian Empire. The northern area is Assyria,
named after its original capital city A8Sur; the southern is Babylonia, named
after its principal city Babylon: the boundary between the two lay a little north
of modern Baghdad. Earlier Babylonia was made up of two regions: a
southern area called by modern archaeologists Sumer (anciently Sumerum)
and a northern half called Akkad, and it is from these two areas that the
principal ancient languages of Mesopotamia take their names: Sumerian, an
agglutinative, ergative language of which no related language is preserved,
and Akkadian, a member of the Semitic family of languages (including also
Arabic, Hebrew, Aramaic, Phoenician and Ugaritic).

The people who invented writing in Sumer in roughly 3400 Bc almost
certainly spoke Sumerian. They had no traditions of having come to that
region from elsewhere and, although the archaeological evidence is not
absolutely conclusive, there seems no reason necessarily to assume that they
were not the descendants of the earlier, prehistoric peoples of Sumer.
Although in time Sumerian spread, as a written language, as far as western
Syria, and was widely used as a cultural language throughout Mesopotamian
history, its homeland was Sumer, where it was probably spoken as a vernacu-
lar until about 2000 Bc. None of the other languages related to Sumerian was
ever written down and so they remain unknown to us.

The Sumerians, then, were the originators of the early high civilisation of
southern Mesopotamia from shortly before 3000 Bc. As their language died
out as an everyday idiom, they were probably absorbed into the other peoples
of the region, who spoke languages of the Semitic family. Scribes with
Semitic names are attested in northern Babylonia almost as early as the
earliest writing we can read, and they probably spoke Old Akkadian, the
earliest recorded form of a Semitic language. Akkadian is used as a general
term for this language, of which the later forms Assyrian and Babylonian are
also dialects. Other early Semitic languages are Amorite, which we know
only from personal names (the Amorites were apparently a largely nomadic

Introduction

people) and the recently discovered language of Ebla in western Syria,
which seems to have been very close to Old Akkadian. Akkadian first came to
the fore during the period of the Akkadian kingdom (see below), but it was
Assyrian and Babylonian, in their respective areas, which gradually took over
as Sumerian died out in the south.

A third ethnic group, the Hurrians, were settled in a wide band across
northern Mesopotamia, most of Syria and the very south-east of Turkey by at
least 2000 Bc. These agricultural people spoke a language of their own, of
which the only known relative is the later Urartian; the extent to which they
possessed a definable civilisation of their own, as opposed to borrowing their
religion and art from their neighbours, is still debated. The climax of their
history was the formation of the Hurrian kingdom of Mitanni, which
reached its high point around 1400 BC. More than a century later, there still
seems to have been a considerable number of Hurrians in Assyria and north-
eastern Babylonia, but thereafter they must have been absorbed into the
general population.

The names of many tribal and nomadic peoples are mentioned throughout
Mesopotamian history, especially the often warlike groups who were either
attracted down into the fertile river valleys from the inhospitable Zagros
Mountains to the east, or were driven into Mesopotamia by the pressure of

5 Assyrian scribes
recording the events of
the king’s campaign.
One writes with a stylus
in cuneiform Akkadian
on a clay tablet, the
other writes in alpha-
betic Aramaic, or
perhaps makes sketches,
on parchment. From a
monumental mural
painting in the main
reception room of the
palace at the provincial
capital of Kar-Sulmanu-
aSarid (Til Barsip) on
the Middle Euphrates,
reign of King Tiglath-
pileser mt (744-727 BC)
or slightly later.

Introduction

other groups behind them. Such a people were the Gutians, whose entry on
the Mesopotamian scene coincided with, if it was not actually responsible
for, the decline and fall of the Akkadian kingdom. According to some
sources, a series of Gutian leaders ruled southern Mesopotamia until a
Sumerian dynasty was eventually able to reassert itself.

A similar story can be told about the Kassites, a people who are first
mentioned in Syria in the eighteenth century Bc but who moved gradually
down into Babylonia and eventually controlled it. A dynasty of Kassite kings
ruled Babylonia for half a millennium thereafter. We know very little about
the origins of the Kassites, and only a few words of their unclassifiable
language and the names of some of their gods: despite their position of
political control, they appear to have contributed relatively little to the culture
of the lands they ruled.

It was inevitable that the stable, urban cultures of Babylonia and Assyria
should be infiltrated by nomadic elements who took advantage of the oppor-
tunity to gain material benefit, whether peacefully or by raiding. There is
good evidence that both the earliest Assyrians (with their ‘kings who lived in
tents’) and the earliest Babylonians were of Amorite origin. During the
second millennium a further wave of Semitic nomads entered history, first as
troublesome raiders, then as mercenaries and gradually as settled elements
in the population. These were the Aramaeans, who may have developed
originally out of one particular Amorite tribal clan. By soon after 1000 BC it is
likely that their language, Aramaic, was widely used as an everyday vernacu-
lar in both Assyria and Babylonia as well as over most of Syria and Palestine
(where Hebrew also was still spoken). The Neo-Babylonian Empire founded
in 626 BC may also have had its origins in an Aramaic-speaking tribal con-
federation, the Chaldaeans. In this way, there was throughout Mesopotamian
history a constant interference with the settled, traditional civilisation of the
great ancient Cities by a variety of groups moving into the area from the
mountain fastnesses to the east or the rolling plains to the north-west. These
new ethnic and cultural infusions were an important factor in reviving and
preserving the long-lived culture which they found in the river valleys.

A great power to the north-west of Mesopotamia was the kingdom of the
Hittites, with its capital at Hattusas in central Turkey. This people, who
spoke the earliest recorded Indo-European language, had become very
powerful at a time when Babylonia was weak, and a Hittite king was able to
attack Babylon itself during the seventeenth century BC, although their king-
dom never made any serious headway with expansion into the Mesopotamian
area, and after 1200 BC was no longer a force to be reckoned with. Similarly
the kings of Elam, located in south-west Iran to the east of Babylonia, were
able at various times to make forays deep into Babylonian territory, on one
occasion carrying away the cult statue of the Babylonian national god,

Introduction

Marduk. For short periods the Elamites (who spoke a language unrelated to
any other surviving language) were able to control parts of Babylonia, even to
rule it, and some cultural transfer seems to have taken place: certain aspects
of Babylonian magic and religion seem to derive from Elam.

Mythology and legends

The myths and legends of ancient Mesopotamia form an exceptionally
diverse collection of material. Some are preserved in Sumerian and some in
Akkadian, the earliest from 2500 Bc and the latest from the first century BC.
As might be expected from such a broad field, they display very considerable
variety, and in many cases there are several different versions of a narrative,
originating from different localities or in different periods, some of which
directly contradict other versions. Some myths were created within the his-
torical period; others are of indeterminate antiquity. No doubt they were
transmitted orally in many forms and on many occasions: however, the only
form in which they survive is of course the written form. It is essential to bear
in mind that every myth or legend preserved in written form is preserved as
part of a (perhaps fragmentary) work of literature which was created in a
specific historical environment and which was intended to serve a specific
literary aim. In this way they can be compared to the use of Greek myths by

6 The god Ninurta or Adad pursuing a leonine bird-monster, perhaps the Anzii or
Asakku. From a cylinder seal of the Neo-Assyrian Period. See ill. 17.

Introduction

the Greek tragedians, and the same cautions apply. There is no homogen-
eous system and it makes no sense to talk of the ‘character of Mesopotamian
myth’, except in the most general terms. The very distinction between myth,
legend and history is of course a largely modern one.

A particular problem which must also be mentioned is the evident disparity
between those literary versions of the myths which happen to survive and the
graphic versions of mythical themes used in various heraldic and iconic ways
in Mesopotamian fine art. This has been a source of great difficulty in the
interpretation of ancient works of art. It serves to emphasise the extraordinary
richness of the Mesopotamian heritage, since it seems to imply that many
mythical themes used in art refer to narratives of which no written version
has yet been recovered.

Most of the Akkadian works incorporating myths and legends which have
been studied and edited so far are now available in English translations, but
numbers of Sumerian compositions are available only in foreign language
editions or in doctoral dissertations (which may not be readily available), or
have not yet been published. Apart from these, there are many that have not
yet even been read or studied in modern times.

Interest in the Bible has been an important stimulus to modern research in
and about the ancient Near East in general. The very diverse collection of
prose and poetry, written down over a considerable period of time in Hebrew,
Aramaic and Greek, which makes up the Bible, is the product of a world both
alien to that of Mesopotamia and in which nonetheless many echoes of
Mesopotamian society, beliefs and history are to be found. This raises the
complex question of the existence of various oral traditions throughout the
whole Near East, influencing each other. The Mesopotamian evidence hap-
pens to be attested in writing at much earlier dates, but this need not lead to
the conclusion that it was therefore the origin of all similar themes occurring
later on.

Art and iconography

The interpretation of elements in the religious art of ancient Mesopotamia
encounters the difficulty that direct ‘captions’ (that have been so fundament-
ally useful in the study of Egyptian and Classical art) are extremely rare and
hardly ever straightforward. The following examples may help to illustrate
this point. The symbols of the gods shown on Babylonian kudurru-stones
(stones recording royal land grants) occasionally have captions identifying
the deities symbolised. All the known examples of these had been looted from
Babylonia and taken to the Elamite city of Susa, and the labels were perhaps
added there for the benefit of the Elamites. Assyrian and Babylonian
figurines of supernatural beings are sometimes inscribed with

Introduction

SSK
2222222229

LILLY
KEE

7 Symbols carved on a ¢.13th-century Bc Babylonian kudurru-stone, inscribed with the
names of the deities represented. Found at Susa, in south-western Iran, where it had
been taken in antiquity as a prize of war.

incantations which name the creature concerned (for example, as Huwawa,
Lamagtu or Pazuzu). In the Neo-Assyrian Period, clay figurines of benefi-
cent beings were also often inscribed with magical spells. These do not name
the creatures directly, but they are named in ritual texts which give instruc-
tions for the figurines’ manufacture, the writing to be put on each type and
the sites of placement or burial within a building. Furthermore, on stelae and
rock reliefs erected by Assyrian kings (or exceptionally governors) to com-
memorate special events, there is sometimes a one-to-one correlation in both
number and order between the gods invoked in the inscription and the
symbols depicted. Yet more usually this is not so. For the kudurrus, moreover,
the gods invoked in the curses of the main text are never those symbolised on
the stone.

Sometimes named supernatural beings are described in texts in a way
which makes it possible to relate them to extant art. Once again, the Neo-
Assyrian rituals concerning the placing of magical figurines, for example,
refer to types of creature which can easily be identified even though the
figurines of these particular creatures were never inscribed. An example is
the Sages (apkallii) ‘with the faces of birds, and wings, carrying in their right
hands a “purifier” (mullilu) and in their left a bucket (banduddi)’, or another
set of Sages ‘cloaked in the skins of fishes’. Similarly the inscription on one

Introduction

8 (below) The image of the face of the demon
Huwawa or Humbaba, formed from the pattern of
animal entrails, as used in divination. Baked clay
model, inscribed on the reverse: ‘If the entrails look
like the face of Huwawa . . .” Probably Old
Babylonian, from Sippar.

Ht. 80mm.

9 (right) Plaque-figurine of sun-dried clay.
Neo-Assyrian, probably 7th-century Bc, found in a
brick box buried in the foundations of a building at
Assur. The piece depicts the protective god Lahmu
(‘Hairy’), inscribed on his arms: ‘Get out, evil
demon!’ and ‘Come in, good demon!’. Ht. 28 mm.

10 Twelve symbols carved on
the Assyrian rock reliefs at
Bavian (Khinnis) by order of
King Sennacherib (reigned
704—681BC). The accom-
panying inscription invokes
twelve deities in corres-
ponding order, namely Aššur,
Anu, Enlil, Ea, Sin, Sama’,
Adad, Marduk, Nabû,
Nergal (?), [Star and the
Seven.

Introduction

11 (above) Neo-Assyrian
plaque-figurines of the so-called
griffin-demon, representing the Seven
Sages (apkalli) in the guise of birds.
Sun-dried clay. Three from a group
of seven figurines found together in a
brick box buried in the foundations of
royal palace of King Adad-nirani m
(reigned 810-783 BC) at Kalhu
(modern Nimrud). Hts. all 140mm.

12 Neo-Assyrian figurines of

the so-called fish-garbed figures,
representing the Seven Sages
(apkallū) in the guise of fish.
Sun-dried clay. (/eft) One of a group
of seven figurines found together in a
brick box buried in the foundations of
the house of a priestly family at ASSur,
probably dating to the reign of King
Sargon i (721-705 BC). (right) One
of a group of six (probably originally
seven) figurines found together at
Nineveh and possibly belonging to
the reign of King Sennacherib
(7o4—681 Bc). Hts. 145, 127mm.

Introduction

of the kudurru-stones refers in clear terms to some of the symbols of the gods
(though not the ones carved upon it):

... the seat and horned crown of Anu, king of heaven; the walking bird of Enlil, lord
of the lands; the ram’s head and goat-fish, the sanctuary of great Ea; ... the sickle,
water-trough (and) wide boat of Sin; the radiant disc of the great judge Šamaš; the
star-symbol of IStar, the mistress of the lands; the fierce young bull of Adad, son of
Anu...

and so on. On the other hand, written descriptions of works of art and
descriptions of supernatural beings in works of literature may be too excep-
tional or too literary or imprecise to correlate with examples of art.
Glyptic art (for the ancient Near East the term refers to the craft of cutting
small seals) provides the most spectacular detail of the religious art of any
period, including the association of figures and motifs. On the seals were cut,
in miniature and in reverse (for sealing), friezes which involve gods, wor-
shippers, symbols and other motifs, often arranged heraldically or in a form
which gives the appearance of a mythological scene. The seals are often
inscribed with writing (usually also in reverse) which may give the names of
particular deities (as part of a person’s name, as the name of the seal owner’s
personal god or within a prayer of incantation). Occasionally it is clear that
the deities so named correspond to those depicted. More usually, however, it
is not so. Some scholars have argued that while on an individual seal the
deity shown may not be the one mentioned, nevertheless in any given period
there will be a rough correlation on seals in general between the deities most
often depicted and those whose names are most frequently given. However,

13 Design of an Old Babylonian cylinder seal from Larsa, depicting the underworld
god Nergal, holding his distinctive scimitar and the double lion-headed standard. The
inscription is a dedication to Nergal by Abisaré, perhaps the king of Larsa of that name.

Introduction

14 Examples of Mesopotamian glyptic art: (above) grey haematite cylinder seal (Ht.21mm) of the Old
Babylonian Period from Nérebtum (modern Ishchali), with modern rolling; (middle) clay tablet of the
Old Babylonian Period from Sippar, with impressions from the rollings of a cylinder seal (of Ht.
¢.24mm); (below) blue chalcedony conical stamp seal (Ht.21mm) of Neo-Babylonian date, with modern
impressions (place of discovery unknown).

Introduction

the identifications so far suggested appear on other grounds improbable. It
may be that the mention of some gods was sometimes an alternative to their
depiction and that certain gods were known more for their personalities and
deeds than for their pictorial forms.

A much-used method has attempted to relate scenes on seals, especially of
the Akkadian Period, to later mythology (on the assumption that the scenes
reflect earlier, perhaps orally transmitted, versions of the later written narra-
tives). Although fairly plausible in itself, the application of this idea to the
question of identification is problematic because it has allowed very impre-
cise correlations of art and literature. In reaction, some have maintained that
one-to-one correspondences of named gods and creatures with elements in
art do not exist and that a repertoire of stock figures in art was related only ina
very general way to the records of gods, demons and heroes in literature.
However, this view has itself led to some very wide and subjective interpreta-
tions of artistic themes. Enough identifications can now be made from writ-
ten sources to suggest that, although they may have developed or even
changed their meanings from time to time, the figures and motifs of art do
attempt to represent specific gods, beings and well-known symbolic objects.

The identification of specific named gods and demons in Mesopotamian
art naturally has implications for our appreciations of the mythological nar-
ratives themselves.

Periods

The table on page 22 is intended to give some idea of the chronology of the
various political developments and ethnic movements. Writing was invented
towards the end of the Late Uruk Period, named after the important city of
Uruk in southern Sumer where so much of the monumental architecture of
that epoch was excavated. (Uruk is actually the later Akkadian name for
Sumerian Unug.) The subsequent series of independent and sometimes
warring city-states of Sumer is grouped together as the Early Dynastic
Period. This is the period of the earliest literary and religious texts that can
effectively be read (for instance the great lists of the names of more than 500
gods and goddesses from the Sumerian town of Suruppag), so that when the
name or cult of a deity is traced back to the Early Dynastic Period, that means
in practice to the beginning of written history. Exact dates for these early
periods are difficult to calculate, but the Early Dynastic Period (which is
sometimes divided into sub-periods for archaeological purposes) is regarded
as ending in about 2390 BC, when the first great kingdoms began. Four south
Mesopotamian kingdoms follow each other in succession, but the first of
these is of special note since, apart from the quite remarkable extent of its
rulers’ conquests, it was centred on a city of northern Babylonia where a

15 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

Date Southern Mesopotamia Northern Mesopotantia World events
7ooo BC Prehistoric cultures Post-glacial period
(Mesolithic culture
6000 in NW Europe)
5000 Ubaid culture (5500-4000) Northern Ubaid culture
(5000-4000)
4000 Early and Middle Uruk Periods Megalithic cultures
(4000-3500) Gawra culture of W Europe
3500 Late Uruk Period (3500-3100)
Northern Late Uruk culture
3000 Early Dynastic Period (Sumerian Great Pyramid of Cheops
2500 city states) (3100-2390) Ninevite 5 culture beginning of Stonehenge

Akkadian (Sargonic) kingdom Taya culture
(2390-2210)

Gutian kings

Neo-Sumerian Period
Gudea of Lagaš
Third Dynasty of Ur (2168-2050)

2000 Isin and Larsa kingdoms

(2073-1819)

Old Babylonian Period (1950-1651) Old Assyrian Period

(Hammurabi of Babylon, (Samsi-Adad 1, 1869-1837)

1848-1806)
1500 Middle Babylonian (Kassite) Period completion of Stone-
(1651-1157) henge
Mitannian kingdom
(1500-1350)
Middle Assyrian Period Akhenaten/Tutankhamun
(1350-1000)
1000
Neo-Assyrian Empire Hallstatt/La Téne
(883-612) (Celtic) culture
First Olympiad 776
Foundation of Rome
6-753
Neo-Babylonian Empire (625-539)
500 Persian (Achaemenid) Empire (550-331) beginning of Maya
culture
Alexander the Great (331-323)
Hellenistic Period (Seleucid Empire)
(05-64)
BC/AD Parthian (Arsacid) Empire Great Wall of China
(126 BC —227 AD) 214 BC
Sasanian Empire
(226—651 AD)

advent of Islam 636

Introduction

lh
yi

16 A mural painting from an outer wall of the throne-room of the royal palace of King
Zimri-Lim at Mari, beginning of the second millennium Bc. The king is received by the
goddess Ištar, while protective deities, animals and hybrids surround the scene.

Semitic language was spoken. The city of Agade, which has still not been
located, gave its name to the region of which it was capital (Akkad), to its
language and to its kingdom. The period is sometimes known also as the
Sargonic period, after Sargon (a Biblical form of the name of the founder of
the kingdom, Šarrum-kīn). It was the collapse of this kingdom that the
Gutians took advantage of, and a Gutian period of uncertain length marks
their control of at least parts of Sumer and Akkad at this date (although the
Sumerian city-state of Lagaš seems to have remained independent). The
great Sumerian kingdoms of the Third Dynasty of Ur (a city in southern
Sumer) and then of Isin and Larsa (partially contemporary with each other)
mark the apogee of Sumerian culture, even if the star of a fifth kingdom, that
centred on a still insignificant city of Akkad called Babylon, was rising. The
kings of this Old Babylonian Period (or First Dynasty of Babylon), in-
cluding Hammurabi (reigned 1848-1806 Bc according to the now preferred
chronology), sometimes made their official pronouncements bilingually in
Akkadian and Sumerian, but as a living language and culture Sumerian was

Introduction

by now obsolescent. In northern Mesopotamia, the city of Assur remained a
minor city-state in a largely Hurrian area until the fourteenth century Bc,
with one brilliant and brief exception in the reigns of Šamšī-Adad I
(1869-1837 BC) and his son when an ‘Old Assyrian’ kingdom of enormous
proportions suddenly came into being, swept across Syria and was then lost.
The collapse of the Old Babylonian kingdom in the south was hastened by
the arrival of the Kassites, and their long rule over Babylonia from their
capital Dūr-Ķurigalzu is termed the Middle Babylonian Period, matched by
a Middle Assyrian Period in northern Mesopotamia. The date 1000 BC is
then conventionally taken as marking the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian and
Neo-Babylonian Periods, although the great days of the most famous
Assyrian kings, ruling at successive capitals, ASSur, Kalhu (modern Nim-
rud), Dir-Sarkén (modern Khorsabad) and Ninua (Nineveh) — kings such as
Sargon II, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal — came to an end with
the fall of Nineveh in 612 BC at a time when the Neo-Babylonian Empire,
founded in 626 BC, had barely begun. The Neo-Babylonian dynasty — whose
territory reached its greatest extent under Nebuchadnezzar II (reigned
605-562 BC) — ruled until 539 Bc. This crucial date in Mesopotamian his-
tory, the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, king of the Medes and Persians, marks
the first point at which the whole of Mesopotamia was to become part of an
empire ruled from outside its own borders. The age of ‘world empires’ had
begun. The Persian or Achaemenid Empire (so called from an eponymous
ancestor of Cyrus’ family) was swept away in 331 Bc by Alexander the Great:
the Hellenistic Period which followed is often also called Seleucid after the
dynasty initiated by the general of Alexander who gained control of Meso-
potamia, Iran, Syria and half of Turkey. His son founded Seleucia-on-the-
Tigris in 274Bc. The Parthians, an Iranian people, effectively dominated
Babylonia from 126 Bc, and their dynasty (sometimes called Arsacid, again
after an eponymous ancestor) ruled Mesopotamia until they were dispos-
sessed by another great Iranian dynasty, the Sasanians, in AD 227. The very
latest texts written in Akkadian in the cuneiform script — reports of
astronomical observations — are dated towards the end of the first century aD,
and by this time it is very unlikely that there was more than a handful of
people — highly educated intellectuals — who were still in touch with the
ancient culture of Mesopotamia and able to understand its languages or read
its writing. The beginning of the Christian era marks a convenient, if
approximate, date for the extinction of the three-thousand-year Meso-
potamian literate tradition.

17 At one time the Sumerians believed that, for the highly
privileged, the dismal conditions of life after death could be
alleviated by music. A dancing bear, accompanied by animal
musicians, is shown in a detail from the sound-box of a
bison-headed lyre buried in a tomb of the ‘Royal Cemetery’ at
Ur. Early Dynastic Period.

`°

abzu (apsû)

Although it can sometimes rain very hard in
southern Mesopotamia, it was anciently
believed that springs, wells, streams, rivers and
lakes drew their water from and were replen-
ished from a freshwater ocean which lay be-
neath the earth in the abzu (apsi) or engur. (The
salt sea, on the other hand, surrounded the
earth.) The abzu was the particular realm and
home of the wise god Enki (Ea), his wife
Damgalnuna (Damkina) and his mother
Nammu, and was also inhabited by a number
of creatures subordinate to him (see Enki’s
creatures).

18 An apsd tank from the extension built for the
Assyrian king Sennacherib (reigned 704-681
BC) to the temple of the god A&&ur in the city of
Aššur. Now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum,
Berlin. Ht.1.18m, 3.12m square.

19 The god Ea in the watery apsi receives
another god, probably Samas. From a cylinder
seal of the Akkadian Period found at Ur.

Enki was thought to have occupied the abzu
since before the creation of mankind. Accord-
ing to the Babylonian Epic of Creation, Apst
was the name of a primal creature, the lover of
Tiamat, and when Ea killed Apsd, he set up his
home on the dead creature’s body, whose name
was henceforth transferred to Ea’s residence.
Marduk, as Ea’s son, was called ‘firstborn son
of the apsi’. Enki’s temple at Eridu was known
as E-abzu, ‘Abzu temple’.

The underworld was located even further
down, beneath the abzu. Since in some tra-
ditions it was necessary to cross a river (the
Hubur) to reach the underworld, the river may
sometimes have been identified with the abzu
(see river of the underworld).

The term abzu/apsû was also used to des-
ignate a tank for holy water in a temple
courtyard.

Adad: see Iškur.

Adapa

According to Babylonian legend, Adapa was
the ancient ‘wise man’ or ‘sage’ (apkallu) of
Eridu, the reputed earliest city of Sumer (see
Seven Sages). His wisdom and position had
been granted him by the god Ea (Enki). Having
‘broken the wings’ of the south wind, Adapa
was summoned for punishment by the supreme
god Anu (An). Ea had told Adapa that he
would be offered the bread and water of death.
Meanwhile, though, the two gatekeepers of
heaven, Dumuzi and Gišzida (Ningišzida),
had interceded with Anu on Adapa’s behalf,
causing a change of heart. Anu instead offered
the sage the bread and water of eternal life.
Adapa refused, thus losing the chance of im-
mortality. The story is often regarded as an
explanatory myth of the mortality of man.

See food and drink of the gods.

afterlife
The ancient Mesopotamians appear generally

to have believed that after death most human.

beings survived in the form of a spirit or ghost
which lived in the underworld (see also
gidim). One of the duties of the living was to

akitu ceremony

make funerary offerings (of food, drink and
oil) to their deceased relatives. A special case is
provided by extensive records from Girsu from
the Early Dynastic Period of offerings made
before the prayer statues of deceased rulers and
members of the ruling family: these statues
were, it is assumed, originally dedicated by the
living to stand in temples and pray constantly
for them before the gods. After the death of
their donors the statues could not be moved
and so came to be the recipients of offerings.
However, this does not imply ancestor worship.
If the living neglected to make kispi (funerary
offerings), the spirit might wander abroad and
return to haunt the upper world.

The conditions of ‘life’ in the underworld
were thought, with few exceptions, to be dismal
in the extreme. The Sumerian dead fed on dust
and scraps and lived in darkness. This is amply
documented in the Sumerian poem ‘Gilgameš,
Enkidu and the Nether World’ (closely paral-
leled by part of the twelfth tablet of the Stan-
dard Babylonian version of the Epic of Gil-
gameš), where Gilgameš asks the ghost (gidim)
of Enkidu about the underworld. Only still-
born children and those who died ‘before their
time’ are envisaged, doubtless as a consolation
to parents, as playing at a ‘gold and silver table’
and feasting. Otherwise, those with most living
children are best off, as having the best chance
of receiving funerary offerings. The nature of
these grave goods, as recovered from excava-
tions, suggests that the dead could perform at
least some of the activities of this life in the
hereafter. Those who died and did not receive
proper burial were in a sorry state; worst of all
was the man who died in a fire, who did not
even have a body to be buried. ‘His spirit is not
in the underworld. His smoke went up to the
sky.’ Another Sumerian poem, ‘The Death of
Gilgameš’, suggests that it was expected, after
death, that the deceased would present gifts to
the denizens of the underworld. There is
reference in a poem of the Third Dynasty of
Ur, moreover, to different treatments being
accorded to individuals in the afterlife de-
pendent upon their condition of burial (see
death and funerary practices).

The notion of an underworld peopled by
terrifying demonic beings, which fore-
shadowed the medieval image of Hell, seems to
have been a theological invention of the first
millennium Bc. The dead Enkidu encounters
such demons in the Epic of Gilgameš. The
clearest literary account of such an under-
world, however, is a text recounting the hellish
vision of an Assyrian prince (thought by some
to be the seventh-century BC crown prince,
later king, Assurbanipal) (see demons and
monsters).

See Dagan; galla.

akitu ceremony: see New Year ceremonies.

alad, aladlammû: see bulls and lions with
human head; lama.

alcohol

Alcoholic beverages probably resulted from an
accidental discovery during the early hunter-
gatherer stage of human prehistory. Textually
attested for Mesopotamia at a later date are
beer and wine, probably including date wine.
The banquets depicted especially on Sumerian
seals and sealings doubtless involved the con-
sumption of intoxicating liquors. Medical texts
frequently prescribe the use of beer and wine
in the making of potions.

That commercialised social drinking, not
for religious or medicinal purposes, was
common by at least the early second millen-
nium BC is attested by the laws of Hammurabi
of Babylon regulating public houses.

No less than man, the gods were susceptible
to drink (see food and drink of the gods;
lion; Ninmah; Utu). In the Epic of Gilgameš,
the hero Gilgameš, in search of immortality,
meets the barmaid-goddess Siduri. She
encourages him to abandon his quest and to
enjoy the gifts of life, presumably including
the pleasures of alcohol.

See frog; libation.

alim (kusarikku): see bison; bull-man.

Allatu: see Ereškigal.

45,95,
158

altars
An altar is an upright standing object at or upon
which sacrifice and offering are made, in fact
or symbolically. It thereby represents a centre-
piece of ritual worship. Prehistoric open-air
rituals in Mesopotamia probably employed a
natural rock or heap of pebbles or earth, but
with the development of temples and shrines,
more obvious altars were made of clay, stone or
brick. A small shrine of the late fifth millen-
nium BC at Eridu already contained an altar set
into a niche opposite the doorway, together
with an offering table. This axial placement of
the altar remained a constant feature except
when its displacement to one side was necessi-
tated by the ‘portal’ arrangement of ‘high
temples’ (see temples and temple architec-
ture). Usually the altar would be placed, for
offering, before the image of the god (see cult
statues). In Assyrian temples the altar is
occasionally found positioned in front of the
statue of the king; in these cases, the king, who
was not divine, should be seen as a worshipper
before the altar rather than as receiving
worship.

Altars could be relatively plain or could be
more elaborately decorated. Often they were
crafted in an architectural style, as if rep-

20 The altar of King
Tukulti-Ninurta 1 of Assyria
(th century Bc) from the temple
of the goddess Ištar in the city of
Aššur, showing the king
approaching, then kneeling in
worship, before a similar altar
supporting a god’s symbol

Ama-usumgal-ana

resenting a miniature of the temple itself. At
other times scenes of worship or images of pro-
tective hybrid figures (demons and mon-
sters) would be depicted on the sides. Rarely
these religious designs might be accompanied
by apparently secular scenes.

In the Middle Assyrian Period, lead figures
from the temple of Ištar (Inana) at Aššur show
scenes of sexual intercourse taking place on top

of what looks like an altar (see fertility; pros- 124

titution and ritual sex).

From the way some of the symbols of the 20

gods are depicted on the kudurrus and stelae
and from designs on seals (especially of the
Neo-Babylonian Period) showing a worship-

per before an altar, itwould seem thatemblems, 73,74
such as the solar disc, horned cap, spade 80,158

(symbol), ‘omega’ symbol or wedge, might be
placed on the altar to receive worship, or that
the altar itself might be placed upon or beside a
statue of a deity’s animal (see beasts of the
gods). Sometimes the statue of a god’s animal
itself seems to have served as an altar, with a
symbol placed upon the animal’s back.

Ama-uSumgal-ana: see Dumuzi.

(apparently a giant writing tablet).
The altar is dedicated to the god
Nusku.

amulets

An amulet or talisman is an object — a natural
substance or artefact — believed to possess
magically protective powers, to bring good
fortune or to avert evil (or both). Amulets are
carried on the person or placed at the location
of the desired magical effect. Usually they are
believed to derive their power from a sym-
pathetic magic resulting from their connec-
tions with nature, from religious associations
or from the propitious time of, or the rituals
involved in, their creation.

Although the Sumerian and Akkadian lan-
guages appear to possess no word for ‘amulet’,
itis clear that a number of objects were used as
amulets, for instance seals. Objects with an
apparently amuletic purpose have often been
found in graves (see death and funerary
practices).

Neo-Assyrian kings wore a necklace with
small metal amulets representing symbols of
the gods. In the same period, a small stone or
metal head of the god Pazuzu would be worn
around the neck of a woman in labour as a
protection for her child from LamaStu.

In certain cases, amulets (including seals)
seem to have served as extensions of an in-
dividual’s personality, as virtual surrogates for
the person.

See eye and eye-idols; magic and sorcery.

Amurru: see Martu.

An (Anu)
An is the Sumerian word for ‘heaven’, and is
the name of the sky god who is also the prime
mover in creation, and the distant, supreme
leader of the gods. He is regarded as a
descendant of the god Ura, with whom he was
later even identified; or else as the son of pri-
mordial AnSar and KiSar. He is father of all
the gods. His wife is the earth goddess Uras;
in a later tradition he is married to Ki. As
Babylonian Anu he has a wife Antu. It is An
who, in Sumerian tradition, took over heaven
when it was separated from earth (#1), creating
the universe as we know it.

In the theory of the three superimposed

heavens, Anu occupies the topmost heaven.
The ‘way of Anu’ is the vertical band of the
eastern horizon, between the ‘ways’ of Enlil
and Ea (Enki), which lie to its north and south
respectively.

Although in almost all periods one of the
most important of Mesopotamian deities, An’s
nature was ill-defined and, as he is seldom (if
ever) represented in art, his specific icono-
graphy and attributes are obscure. He has
sometimes been thought to be represented
among the gods on the Neo-Assyrian rock-
relief at Maltai, but this is uncertain. In Kassite
and Neo-Assyrian art at least, Anu’s symbolis a
horned cap.

See Asag; cosmology; Sacred Marriage;
zodiac.

animals, sacred: see beasts of the gods.

animal sacrifice

Sacrifice is a religious rite by which an object,
animal or person is offered to a divinity in an
attempt to establish, maintain or restore a satis-
factory relationship of the individual, group of
individuals or the community in general to that
god. In many cultures, including ancient
Mesopotamia, it has commonly taken the form
of the ritual slaughter and offering of animal
life.

In Mesopotamia it was man’s duty and the
reason for his creation to take care of the
material needs of the gods, which included the
provision of food (see food and drink of
the gods). Animal sacrifice, therefore, was
regarded as the literal means of satisfying the
gods’ appetites. Foods were prepared in the
temple kitchens and offered to the god’s cult
statue. Inpractice, the meat of animal offerings
probably remained or became the property of
the temple, and was used to feed the clergy and
their retainers. The sheep seems to have been
the primary animal of such sacrifice, although
goats and cattle were also sacrificed. Excava~
tions of rooms in prehistoric and early historic
temples, however, have at times uncovered
enormous quantities of fish bones, believed to
be sacrificial deposits.

31
80

23,68

amulets

21 (above) A gold necklace with
amulets in the form of lama
goddesses and divine symbols
such as a crescent, lightning
symbol and solar disc.
Babylonian c.1gth-18th
centuries BC, found at Dilbat.
1.430mm. (right) Detail of stone
stela of the Assyrian king
Assurnasirpal 11 (reigned
883-859 BC), found in his royal
palace at Kalhu (modern
Nimrud). The king, pointing to
the symbols of his gods, wears a
necklace with similar pendant
symbols as amulets.

animal sacrifice

22 King Assurbanipal of
Assyria (reigned
668~—c.627BC) personally
dispatches a lion. Detail of
a carved stone monumental
wall relief from the king’s
royal palace at Nineveh.

X
G

K J
p =
Seso
NO

Ç
f
i

N
ih

WY
iy

| of Ya
ON
S

>
ne

IA
ip
Ep

A
Z

A f ;
Ma b,

Sm SL o
G a T

A rather different form of animal sacrifice is
attested by the animals commonly found in all
periods in Mesopotamian and Near Eastern
burials (see death and funerary practices).
For the most part these probably represented
food for the deceased. In Sumerian burials,
however, equids and oxen, sometimes har-
nessed to carts, must have been part of the great
ceremonial of the funeral. Possibly their pur- 83,84
pose was also to continue their tasks as working
animals in the service of the deceased beyond
the grave.

The sacrifice of a goat (called ‘man-
substitute’) was used in some rituals to divert
sickness or portendéd evil from individual
persons. However, the sacrifice of a sheep dur-
ing the New Year ceremonies at Babylon is
not, as has been suggested, connected with
the idea of the scapegoat, an animal sacrificed
or killed to bear the sins of the whole people
(e.g. Leviticus 16:8, 10, 21), a concept alien to
Mesopotamian thought.

There is occasional evidence of animal
sacrifice in connection with building rites. In

23 A Sumerian worshipper or priest with

sacrificial kid. Early Dynastic Period. From a excavations at Kalhu (modern Nimrud), for
shell inlay found in the temple of the goddess example, an animal, perhaps a gazelle, was dis-
Ninhursağa at Mari. covered buried beneath the floor of a royal

building. At Ur, the bones of small birds were
occasionally found together with figurines in
clay boxes set into the foundations of a Neo-
Assyrian building.

At least in the Neo-Assyrian Period, the
royal hunt seems to have been, in some
respects, a form of animal sacrifice, since King
Assurbanipal (reigned 668-c.627 BC) is shown
on one of his palace reliefs standing beside the
slain lions and pouring a libation. Except for
these hunting scenes of dying animals, the
depiction in Mesopotamian art of sacrificial
animals in all their gory detail (so commonly
shown in Classical works) is extremely rare.

Sometimes ritual burning was an element in
animal sacrifice, and oblations were conveyed
to the gods by one of the fire gods Gibil or
Nusku.

See animal skins; bull and ‘winged gate’,
divination; figurines; human sacrifice;
purification; sacrifice and offering.

24 Figures dressed in the
pelts of lions, perhaps in
imitation of the god La-tarak,
carved on a monumental
stone relief from the
throne-room of the royal
palace of the Assyrian king
Assurnasirpal u (reigned
883-859 BC) at Kalhu
(modern Nimrud).

animal skins

An interesting deposit has been discovered in
excavations at the site of Zawi Chemi Shanidar
in northern Mesopotamia, a small settlement
dating to the late tenth or early ninth millen-
nium BC. In a heap lying just outside a stone
structure were at least fifteen skulls of goats
and the articulated wing bones of at least
seventeen huge predator birds, vultures, eagles
and a bustard. Knife marks on the bird bones
indicated that they had been carefully cut from
the birds. The archaeologists interpreted these
wings as part of ritual costumes. The goat
skulls were thought to be part of the parapher-
nalia of the ritual.

In the Babylonian epic, Gilgameš, in mour-
ning for Enkidu, roams the desert clad in a
lion’s skin.

Some Neo-Assyrian art seems to depict
human figures dressed in animal skins. The
figure in a lion’s pelt on a palace relief of King

65, 108,

anointing

Tiglath-pileser III (reigned 744-727BC) may
possibly be dressed in imitation of the god La-
tarak, but it does not appear very likely, given
his appearance and context (in a line of human
figures, perhaps priests) that this could be the
god himself. A pair of such figures, apparently
dressed-up men, is earlier to be seen on a
relief of King Assurnasirpal II (reigned 883-
849 BC). Similarly, while figures of the fish-
garbed figure may represent the Seven Sages,
certain contexts in which we see such figures,
for example flanking the bed of a sick man, may
suggest that they could sometimes be human
figures dressed as the ancient sages. In this
case, however, it seems unlikely that the ritual
garb consisted of the full skin of an actual fish,
reaching from the man’s head down to his
waist, upper leg or even to the ground, and it
has been suggested that cloth costumes were
created in precise imitation of a living fish.

anointing
The symbolic custom of anointing has its ori-
gin in the habit of rubbing the body with fine
quality oil (usually sesame oil) for medical or
cosmetic purposes. Oil might also be sym-
bolically poured over the head, e.g. of a bride,
of persons involved in property transactions,
or at the manumission of a slave. ‘Anointed’
priests (pasisz) were one particular class of the
clergy.

An extension of this custom, from the Old

Babylonian Period on, was the duty of |

anointing the stone inscription or monument
of a past king if it were exposed during build-
ing work, clearly a substitute for anointing the
ruler himself.

In magic and sorcery and medicine (see
diseases and medicine) ointments of all sorts
were frequently used, prepared both from sym-
bolic (and to us revolting) ingredients and also
from genuinely curative herbs and simples.

AnSar and KiSar

In Mesopotamian myth, AnSar and KiSar were
a pair of primordials, respectively male and
female, and perhaps representing the heaven

(An) and earth (Ki). According to the Baby-
lonian Epic of Creation they were the second
pair (after Lahmu and Lahamu) of offspring
of Apsii (abzu) and Tiamat. (An alternative
interpretation of the passage makes them the
children of Lahmu and Lahamu.) AnSar and
Kišar in turn bore Anu (An), the supreme god
of heaven.
See Aššur.

anthropomorphism: see gods and goddesses.
Antu: see An.
Anu: see An.

Anuna (Anunnakkūü)

The Anuna (Anunnakkū), which possibly
means ‘princely offspring’, is used in earlier,
especially Sumerian, texts as a general word for
the gods, in particular the early gods who were
born first and were not differentiated with in-
dividual names. They are put to work to help
build the temple at Girsu in a Sumerian hymn,
and are linked with the benign lama-deities.
There are fifty Anuna of Eridu. The sky god
Anu (An) is described as king of the Anun-
nakku. In the Epic of Creation the multitude of
gods are called the ‘Anunnakki of heaven and
earth’.

Possibly following the use from Middle
Babylonian times of the name Igigii to refer
especially to the gods of heaven, the term
Anunnakkii came to be used more for the
gods of earth (Ki) and underworld. Marduk
and Damkina (Damgalnuna), Nergal and
Madanu — associated with the underworld — are
said to be powerful among them. There are 600
Anunnakki of the underworld, but only 300 of
heaven, according to one text. This implies the
gradual development of a detailed imagery of
the underworld.

Anunitu

Anunitu (earlier Annunitum) was a Babylonian
goddess especially associated with childbirth.
Annunitum and UlmaSitum were two aspects of
Inana worshipped at Agade. Annunitum was

also worshipped at Sippar. Later, as the name
of a constellation, Anunitu referred to the
north-eastern part of Pisces.

See zodiac.

Anunnakkü: see Anuna.
Anzü: see Imdugud.
apkalla: see Adapa; Seven Sages.

apotropaic figures: see building rites and
deposits; demons and monsters; magicand
sorcery.

apsasů: see lama.
apsi. see abzu.

Arabian gods

A number of Arab kingdoms are known to have
existed in the Arabian peninsula from at least
the first millennium sc. The generic name
‘Arabs’ and a kingdom called ‘Arib?’ appear in
the inscriptions of the Assyrian kings.

Little is known about the religion and pan-
theon of the region before the coming of Islam
in the seventh century AD. In northern Arabia
the chief deity seems to have been known as El
or Ilah, meaning ‘God’. A number of astral and
local deities are also known. At the Arab city of
Palmyra, in the third century AD, a triad of gods
is attested, headed by Bel (originally Bol, prob-
ably equivalent to Baal ‘Lord’) or Belshamin
(‘Lord of the heavens’), together with a solar
deity Yarhibol or Malakbel and a lunar deity
Aglibol.

In the southern Arabian kingdoms the cult
seems to have centred around a triad of astral
deities. The most important was the moon god,
who was usually also the local protector of each
individual city, and was therefore referred to
under a variety of names, including that of the
Babylonian god Sin (Nanna-Suen). Next was
the god ‘Athtar, related to the Mesopotamian
goddess Ištar (Inana), the planet Venus. Third
in rank was the sun god, usually known as
Shams, clearly related to the Babylonian name

Asag (Asakku)

Šamaš (Utu). The remaining southern
Arabian gods known to us are numerous and
seem to have had more specific functions,
which sometimes gave them their names.

In the sixth and fifth centuries Bc there was a
cult centre of the moon god at Tayma in north-
west Arabia. The Babylonian king Nabonidus
(reigned 556-539 BC), a devotee of Sin, spent
some twelve years of his reign there away from
Babylon (see Nanna-Suen).

In the fifth century Bc, the Greek historian
Herodotus mentions as the gods of the Arabs
Orotalt and Alilat “The Goddess’). In the
Islamic Qur’an, al-Lat together with al-‘Uzza
and Manat are mentioned as daughters of
Allah. They are also attested as divine names in
earlier north Arabian inscriptions.

There were also direct borrowings from
Mesopotamia and Syria. The pantheon at
Palmyra included Nergal (assimilated to the
Greek Herakles), Nabû or Nebo (assimilated
to Apollo), the Syrian goddess Atargatis, and
possibly Astarte, that is Ištar (inana), and
Beltis (Bēlet-ilī).

arali: see underworld.

arrow

An upright arrow is depicted on
Kassite kudurrus as a symbol
of the star Sirius (known in
Sumerian and Akkadian as “The
Arrow’).

25 An arrow. Detail from the
carving on a Babylonian kudurru. —\V—
Aruru: see mother goddesses and birth god-
desses.

Asag (Asakku)

In the Sumerian poem Lugale, the Asag is a
monstrous demon who is defeated by the god
Ninurta/Ningirsu (in another version by
Adad (Skur)). The Asag was hideously re-
pulsive in appearance and his power caused

Asarluhi

fish to boil alive in the rivers. He was born from
the mating of An and Ki, and the Asag himself
mated with the kur (mountains) to produce
offspring. He was accompanied by an army of
stone allies (the stones of the mountains). On
one level the defeat of Ninurta in this myth of
the Asag and the stones expresses the unease
felt by the inhabitants of the Mesopotamian
plain about the inhabitants of the Zagros
mountains.

The defeat of Asag by Ninurta may be depic-
ted in relief on the large slabs erected by the
ninth-century BC Assyrian king Assurnasirpal II
on either side of the main entrance to the
temple of Ninurta at Kalhu (modern Nimrud).
Here a god carrying thunderbolts attacks a
lion-dragon. A related scene is found on Neo-
Assyrian seals.

In magical theory the asag/asakku is ademon
who attacks and kills human beings, especially
by means of head fevers, and who is mentioned
in poetical enumerations of diseases.

In another tradition, the Seven (or Eight)
Asakkii are a specific group of demons, the
offspring of Anu (An), who are said to have
been defeated by Ninurta, in a clear remin-
iscence of the Sumerian poem.

Asarluhi

Originally the god of Kuara, a village near
Eridu, Asarluhi came to be associated with
Enki (the god of Eridu), and with magical
knowledge, the special preserve of Enki. Asar-
luhi was regarded as the son of Enki and
Damgalnuna, and when Marduk was also
accorded the title of son of Ea (the Akkadian
name of Enki) it was natural for Asarluhi to be
absorbed in the personality of Marduk. A hymn
of the Old Babylonian Period addresses Asar-
luhi as the river of ordeal (see river ordeal),
as the first-born son of Enki and as Marduk.
In the Standard Babylonian magical tradition
Asarluhi is used as an alternative name for
Marduk in incantations and prayers.

assembly of the gods
In a number of Sumerian and Babylonian

myths the gods are depicted discussing their

own affairs, or those of mankind, in an
assembly (wkkin/puhrum) of which An/Anu is
the leader and which met at the ub-su-ukkina in
the E-kur, Enlil’s temple at Nippur. In some
narrative poems, men also debate questions of
policy in an assembly of elders or adult men.
Probably these both reflect some social reality
at the time when the poems were taking shape,
whether at national or village level, but it seems
impossible to relate this securely to any theor-
etical reconstruction of the political system of
early Sumer.
See dreams and visions.

astrology and astronomy
Strictly speaking, astrology refers to observa-
tion of the movements of astral bodies with a
view to divination of the future thereby, as
opposed to astronomy (disinterested scientific
observation). From the movement and appear-
ance of the moon, stars and planets, the Baby-
lonians believed that it was possible to predict
future events in the world, especially in the
political and military spheres. “The signs in the
sky, just as those on earth, give us signals’: the
Babylonian view was that portents gave indi-
cations — clues — about the gods’ intentions. By
contrast, Hellenistic (and modern) astrology
views the planets themselves as exerting influ-
ences over human destinies. It was only from
the fifth century Bc that Babylonian astrologers
began to cast horoscopes to foretell the fortunes
of ordinary individuals. However, although
many ancient astronomical texts are expressed
in a form which allows for their astrological
application (for example, they include associ-
ations of deities with the constellations where
appropriate), the basic facts and procedures are
of astronomical or chronological interest, and
there is some evidence that the main reason for
the development of astronomy was the wish to
be able to control the calendar, rather than
to interpret celestial events astrologically. Al-
though some deities have connections with
stars or planets, many do not, and the idea that
Mesopotamian religion was astral in origin is
untenable.

Babylonian observation of the night skies

Assur

can be documented from at least 750BC in daily stant’). Many of the names for the constella-
records (only a small part of which survive), tions were the same as or similar to those trans-
and by about 400 BC had reached a remark- mitted to the modern world by the Greek
ably accurate level given the pre-Galilean astronomer Ptolemy (c. AD 150).
cosmology with which they worked. Lunar
eclipses could be predicted with considerable Ašimbabbar: see Nanna-Suen.
accuracy. Halley’s comet was observed and
recorded in 1648C and again in 87Bc. The Ašratu: see Martu.
157 ziggurats (temple towers) may have been used
in the later periods as suitable observation plat- Aššur
forms, although that was not their original Aššur was the god of the Assyrian nation.
function. Babylon and Uruk were important Originally he may have been the local deity of
centres of astronomy during the fourth to first the city of the same name, or rather — since itis 26
centuries BC. unusual in Mesopotamia for the god and city
In Babylonian astronomy the eastern hori- to bear the same name (see local gods) — a
zon was divided into three vertical bands, the personification of the city itself. (Oaths were
‘ways’ of Enlil, Anu (An) and Ea (Enki), sworn by the name of the city as ifitwere itself a
which were used for locating the positionofthe god). As, therefore, the extent and power of
7,159 eighteen zodiacal constellations recognised Assyria spread, Aššur became the supreme god
from about r000 BC. Later these eighteen con- ofthe emergent state and empire. Details of the
stellations were assigned singly or in pairs to origins and development of the god, however,
the twelve months, foreshadowing the later are lacking.
zodiac. Five planets were recognised: Mercury Eventually, with the growth of Assyria and
(called ‘Jumping’), Venus, Mars, Jupiter the increase in cultural contacts with southern
(called ‘the Ferry’) and Saturn (called ‘Con- | Mesopotamia, there was a tendency to

FE RER.

eB aon SE SOT a

26 A view of the Assyrian city of ASSur, as it appears today. In the foreground is the partly restored
Temple of Ištar; behind are the remains of one of the ziggurats or temple-towers.

Assur

assimilate ASSur to certain of the major deities
of the Sumerian and Babylonian pantheons.
From about 1300 BC we can trace some attempts
to identify him with Sumerian Enlil. This
probably represents an effort to cast him as the
chief of gods. Ninlil was thus regarded as
Aššur’s wife, though worshipped in Assyria
under the name Mullissu. Then, under Sargon
II of Assyria (reigned 72I-7o5Bc) Assur
tended to be identified with AnSar, the father
of Anu (An) in the Babylonian Epic of
Creation. The process thus represented ASSur
as a god of long-standing, present from the
creation of the universe. The particular
identification may have been suggested by
nothing more than the similarity of the names.
Under Sargon’s successor Sennacherib
(reigned 704-681 BC), an attempt was made, at
an official level, to reattribute to Aššur the

27 The god
Aššur. From a
glazed brick
panel found in a
private house in
Aššur. oth—7th
centuries BC.

mythology of the Babylonian national god Mar-
duk, as well as the rituals of the New Year
ceremonies at Babylon itself. The underlying
reasons behind this action were clearly the
current political and military struggle between
Assyria and Babylonia. This culminated in
Sennacherib’s nine-month siege, conquest and
systematic sacking of Babylon in 691 BC, and his
subsequent imposition of direct rule and per-
sonal assumption of the Babylonian throne.

Even the emblems of Aššur were adopted
from Babylonian gods. His animal, the snake-
dragon (which even on Sennacherib’s rock re-
liefs at Maltai is not exclusive to him) was taken
over from Marduk. In collections of symbols
of the gods, moreover, ASSur seems to be rep-
resented by a horned cap, inherited from Anu
(An) and Enlil.

The modernattribution to A’Sur of the solar
disc is certainly incorrect. Some scholars,
however, believe that the winged disc, very
common in Assyrian art and often on Assyrian
sculptures with the image ofa god above it, and
placed over scenes of battle, ritual and the
chase, must represent ASS$ur. The evidence,
however, points strongly to this emblem as a
symbol of the sun god Šamaš (Utu). Again,
there may be some borrowing of an image
proper to another god. f

In spite of (or possibly because of) the ten-
dencies to transfer to him the attributes and
mythology of other gods, Aššur remains an in-
distinct deity with no clear character or tra-
dition (or iconography) of his own. It was
said to be solely within his power to grant (or
to remove) kingship over Assyria, and the
Assyrian king was his chief priest and lieuten-
ant on earth. It was particularly common for the
names of Assyrian kings to contain the god’s
name as an element (e.g. Assurnasirpal, Assur-
banipal, Esarhaddon (ASSur-ahhé-iddina)).
The god supported and encouraged the armies
of Assyria. The god’s seals were used to
endorse documents of the utmost political im-
portance, such as King Esarhaddon’s (reigned
680-669 BC) treaty providing for the succes-
sion (see seals of the gods). In these contexts,
however, Aššur appears as a mere personifica-

140

155

132

147

tion of the country, people and power of
Assyria as a political entity.
See letters to gods.

Atra-hasis: see Ziusura.
augury: see divination.
Aya: see Serida.

Baba: see Bau.

ball-staff

A symbol sometimes called by modern writers a
‘ball-staff’ or ‘ball-and-staff’ appears on cylin-
der seals of the Isin-Larsa Period. It looks like
a staff with a large bulge on one side. A motif
looking like a pot is almost invariably placed
above it. It has been suggested that the ‘ball-
staff’ depicts a type of vessel, balance, rod or
loom. Which deity (if any) it represents is un-
known.

barley stalk

With possible antecedents reaching back into
the Uruk Period, the motif of a barley stalk or
ear of corn first occurs as a divine attribute in
the Akkadian Period, and as an independent
religious symbol in Kassite and Mitannian art.
It is captioned on one kudurru as a symbol of
the goddess Sala, and is later, in the Hellen-
28 The so-called | .
“ball-staff” with vessel

above. Detail from a

cylinder seal of the
Isin-Larsa Period.

29 (centre) A barley stalk or
ear of corn, symbol of the
goddess Sala. One of the
emblems carved on a
kudurru of the Kassite
Period.

30 (far right) A god
walking his human-headed
lion. Detail from a cylinder
seal of the Akkadian
Period.

beasts of the gods

istic Period, shown as an attribute held by this
goddess.
See zodiac.

basmu: see snakes.

Bau
Bau was a goddess worshipped almost exclu-
sively at Lagaš, where she was regarded as the
spouse of the god Ningirsu, or else of Zababa.
Numerous records survive of the offerings
made in the E-tarsirsir, her temples at Lagaš
and Girsu, where oracles were given in Early
Dynastic times. Bau was a daughter of An, and
had two sons by Ningirsu, the deities Ig-alima
and Sul-Sagana, as well as seven daughters
(minor goddesses of Lagaš) for whom
Ningirsu’s paternity was not claimed.

Formerly the goose was thought to be the
bird associated with Bau, but this is now known
to be erroneous. On Babylonian kudurrus
Bau is represented by an object which has been
thought to be a winnowing fan.

It is possible that the correct form of the
name is Baba.

See Gatumdug.

beasts of the gods
As well as their distinctive attributes, weapons
and inanimate or astral symbols, many Meso- 6

potamian deities had their familiar beasts, 30,36

45,79,
87, 105,

31,89,
110, 132,
151

beasts of the gods

el
Hh
ila

ani

31 The best preserved of four similar panels of
rock reliefs at Maltai, carved on the cliff-face on
the southern side of the Dehok valley, by the road
leading from Assyria to the Upper Zab valley.
The Assyrian king, probably Sennacherib
(reigned 704—681BC), flanks a procession of
seven deities on their animals, probably (left to
right) ASSur on snake-dragon and lion-dragon,
his consort Mullissu enthroned on a lion, Enlil
or Sin on lion-dragon, Nabi on a snake-dragon,
Sama’ on a horse, Adad on lion-dragons and
bull, and Ištar on a lion.

sometimes natural animals but more usually
elaborate hybrid combinations. Sometimes
representations of such beasts in art served the
function of symbolising the various gods, or
else individual deities are shown standing on
their respective beasts; sometimes large-scale
statues ofthe creatures guarded the entrance to
their masters’ shrines, or served, in effect, as
altars, with other symbols placed upon their
backs. Among these beasts were:

the snake-dragon, with snake-like body,
horns, lion’s forelegs and bird’s hindlegs,
which was transferred from and to a number of
different high-ranking gods, including Mar-
duk and Nabi in Babylonia and Assur in
Assyria;

o
ki H r
— j i : a th
er a a

the lion-dragon, also with lion’s forelegs,
bird’s hindlegs, tail and wings, perhaps origin-
ally the beast of the god ISkur, later transferred
(as a second associated animal) to a number of
Assyrian gods;

the bull, usually the animal of a god whose
forked lightning (symbol) identifies him as a
weather deity (see ISkur);

the lion, associated at different times with a
number of different deities, including
Ningirsu and the goddesses Ninlil, [Star
(Inana) and Damkina (Damgalnuna);

the horse, at least by the seventh century Bc the
beast of the sun god Sama’ (Utu);

the dog, sacred animal of the goddess Gula;
the turtle and goat-fish of the water god
Enki/Ea;

various types of natural and hybrid snakes and
birds, associated with a variety of deities.

See Asag; Imdugud; Lamaéstu.
beer: see alcohol; libation.
Bél: see Marduk.

Bélet-ili: see mother goddesses and birth
goddesses; Nergal; Ninhursaga.

Bélet-séri: see under Martu.

bells

It has been suggested that the ‘Strong copper’,
one of the trophies of the god Ninurta (see
Slain Heroes), may be a personified clanger or
bell. However, the earliest bells found in
Mesopotamia are Assyrian, dating to the first
millennium Bc. Magical texts refer to the
ringing of a bell as a means of driving away evil
spirits. One example of an Assyrian bell has
protective supernatural figures (see demons
and monsters) depicted on it.

32 A Neo-Assyrian copper or bronze bell, cast
with figures of magically protective demons. It
was probably used in rituals of exorcism.
Ht.97mm.

Berossos

Berossos (a Greek form of a Babylonian name,
perhaps Bél-usur) was a priest of Bél (Marduk)
at Babylon in the late fourth to early third cen-
turies BC. He wrote a three-volume work in
Greek, now lost, on the culture and history
of Babylonia. An abridgement was made in
the first century Bc by Alexander Polyhistor.

Bes

Although also now lost, this served as a source
for the Jewish historian Joseph ben Matthias
(Josephus’, AD37/38-c.100) and the church
father Eusebius (died ap342). Berossos was
thus the ultimate source for authoritative
knowledge of Babylonia by the ancient Greeks.

He is said to have emigrated in old age to the
Aegean island of Cos, where he founded a
school of astrology. There is no absolute
certainty, however, that Berossos of Babylon
and Berossos of Cos were one and the same. It
is also possible that certain ideas attributed to
Berossos in Classical sources were later in ori-
gin (so-called ‘Pseudo-Berossos’), along with
certain other traditions concerning his life, in-
cluding that he was the father of the Sibyl!

The first book of his work Babyloniaka
opened with an account of the beginnings of
the world and the myth of Oannes and other
fish-monsters, who, emerging from the sea,
first brought the arts of civilisation to mankind
(see Seven Sages). It continued with the
Babylonian creation story and an account of
Babylonian astrology.

The second book recounted the history of
Babylonia from the ‘ten kings before the
Flood’, through the story of the Flood itself
(see Ziusura), followed by the restored king-
ship with its six dynasties down to the reign of
Nabonassar (Nabii-nasir, reigned 747-734 BC).

The third book dealt with the history of
Babylonia down to Berossos’ own time, in-
cluding the reigns of Tiglath—pileser III,
Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar II.

Akkadian mythological and historical texts
found in modern excavations have largely con-
firmed the authenticity of the tradition rep-
resented by Berossos.

Bes

Bes or Bisu was the Egyptian god of play and
recreation, represented as a full-faced bow-
legged dwarf, with oversized head, goggle
eyes, protruding tongue, bushy tail and usually
a large feathered crown as head-dress. He was
a magically protective deity who averted the
power of evil, and was especially associated
with the protection of children and of women

144

Bilulu

in childbirth. Some Egyptologists believe him
to be of non-Egyptian origin, since he is said to
come ‘from the holy land’ (the east, interpreted
as Arabia or Babylonia) and called ‘Lord of
Puon? (Punt, on the African coast of the Red
Sea).

Representations of a very similar figure are
found widely in Syria, Palestine, Assyria and
Babylonia in the first millenium Bc. In
Assyria and Babylonia the god may have been
known as Pesst.

Bilulu: see Inana.

bird gods

Some fragmentary stelae of Gudea, ruler of
Laga’, show shaven-headed priests carrying
standards surmounted by the figure of a
bearded god ‘wearing’ the head and splayed
wings of a bird of prey as if they were an
elaborate head-dress. It has been suggested
that since Ningirsu was symbolised by the
lion-headed bird Imdugud, this deity associ-
ated with a natural-headed eagle might rather
be identifiable as Ninurta. However, Ningirsu
seems to have been nothing more than the local
form (in the city-state of Laga8) of Ninurta at
this time. Perhaps the distinction is between
the god Ningirsu/Ninurta himself and his
familiar animal the Imdugud bird.

In some ninth-century Bc Assyrian repre-
sentations of the god in the winged disc, a
bird-tail is shown beneath the disc as if it were
one with the body of the god above. According
to one idea, this is a bird god who can, again, be
identified as Ninurta. The winged disc, how-
ever, appears to be a symbol of the sun-god
Šamaš (Utu).

bird-men: see animal skins; griffin-demon;
Imdugud.

birds

A number of different birds occur in Meso-
potamian art as deities’ symbols. One type, a
long-necked species, first occurs in the Uruk
Period, as a type of standard, with the bird

33 A Neo-Assyrian cast copper figurine of a
dwarf god, of a type known in Egypt as Bes. It has
a hollowed back and probably was originally
fitted to a timber pole or item of furniture. From a
room in the residential area of the royal palace
arsenal at Kalhu (modern Nimrud), 8th~7th
centuries BC. Ht.122mm.

7,7

shown on top of a small rod mounted on the
back of a snake-dragon. The bird recurs on a
Neo-Sumerian seal, associated with a seated
goddess, and on Old Babylonian seals, after
which it disappears from art. Representations
of a goose-like bird perched on a tall pole,
shown on Parthian stamp-seals, are probably
unrelated.

Depictions of a walking bird are naturally
common in all periods, but only on the Kassite
kudurrus and in Neo-Babylonian glyptic art
does the motif stand definitely as a religious
symbol. Kudurru captions characterise it as a
symbol of the minister god Papsukkal
(NinSubur). A bird with back-turned head is
found frequently in Kassite-Period art as a
divine symbol and attribute. The accompany-
ing inscription on one kudurru is partially
broken but probably named the Kassite god
Harbe. The symbol of a bird on a high perch,
probably in fact representing a bird-standard,
is common on the Kassite kudurrus, and is
identified from the inscriptions on two of them
as a symbol of the obscure dual gods Suqa-
muna (and) Sumalia (see Kassite gods).

The motif of a bird on a low perch is found
as a divine symbol on the rock stelae of the
Assyrian king Sennacherib at Judi Dagh,
where the inscription characterises it as sym-
bolising the avian war god Ninurta.

34 A walking bird. Detail from the carving on a
Babylonian kudurru.

bird talons and wings

An Old Babylonian clay plaque shows a man
riding an ostrich. However, the ostrich appears
only rarely before the glyptic art of the Middle
and Neo-Assyrian Periods. Often the bird is
under attack from, or being throttled by, a pur-
suing god. The mythological or religious basis
of these scenes is unknown. The early exist-
ence of the ostrich in Mesopotamia is proved by
the presence in Sumerian graves of ostrich
eggs. The top of the egg was severed and to the
open shell were attached a rim and base of pot-
tery decorated with inlays.

A lion-headed bird depicted in works of art
from the Early Dynastic to the Neo-Sumerian
Periods appears to represent Imdugud/Anzi,
associated with the god Ningirsu/Ninurta.

A common scene on cylinder seals of the
Akkadian Period shows a large bird carrying
the figure of a man, which has usually, and
fairly plausibly, been interpreted as depicting
the flight episode in the myth of Etana.

See animal skins; Bau; EnmeSarra; grif-
fin; Ziusura. For the eagle-headed staff, see
standards, staves and sceptres of the gods.
For augury, see divination.

bird talons and wings

According to one suggestion, the presence of fr., 6,

bird talons and wings as part of the combina-
tion of various Mesopotamian demons and
monsters suggests an association with death
and the underworld. Some Babylonian poems
describe the dead as clothed with bird-like
plumage. The main literary basis for the idea,
however, is a poetic account of a dream of an
Assyrian prince, possibly the later King Assur-
banipal (reigned 668-c.627 BC). In the dream,
the prince descends to the underworld, which
is peopled by a horde of unpleasant demons,
described in graphic detail. In almost all cases
these hellish demons are said to have been
winged and to have had the talons of birds (or
the feet of Imdugud, which amounts to the
same thing).

The content of this poem, however, is
unique as the first known description of the
‘medieval’ image of a hell peopled by demonic
figures. While this may represent a new and

45,89,
100,117,

birth goddesses

powerful element in theological thinking, in
descriptive terms it takes over elements already

natural figure of the bull-man, possibly also 40
for the bull with human head. In Sumerian 42

familiar in Assyrian iconography. Even in the
Assyrian Period these iconographic elements
were not confined to underworld denizens,
since they are shared by beneficent and magic-
ally protective figures. Moreover, the sug-
gestion of an association of wings and talons
with creatures of the underworld cannot be
applied to the art of earlier periods.

birth goddesses: see mother goddesses and
birth goddesses.

bison

The bison survives today in Europe and North
America. The Mesopotamian bison seems to
have become extinct in pre-Sumerian times.
The Sumerian term gud-alim (Akkadian

kusarikku) was used, however, for the super-

35 The gold head of a bison with affixed lapis
lazuli beard. The ornament on the sound-box of
a lyre from the ‘Royal Cemetery at Ur. Early
Dynastic Period.

art, the bull-heads of the lyres from the Royal

Graves at Ur, for example, have beards (made of

lapis lazuli) that are reminiscent of the bison.
Astronomically, the constellation gud-alim/

kusarikku corresponds to part of Centaurus.
See Slain Heroes.

bit akiti: see New Year ceremonies.

boats

In Mesopotamia, the importance of the Tigris
and Euphrates rivers, their tributaries and the
canals dug from them made boats essential for
many commercial, state and ritual activities.
Even deities had their own barges (see boats of
the gods).

A common theme on cylinder seals, especi-
ally in the Early Dynastic and Akkadian
Periods, involves human-looking figures sit-
ting or standing in a boat. This has been inter-
preted as Gilgameš and Ūt-napišti (Ziusura)
in the Epic of Gilgameš, but the suggestion is
dubious, especially as the two heroes never
actually travel by boat together in the surviving
versions of the story, while the number of
figures in the boat in artistic representations is
not always limited to two. Gilgameš does cross
the waters with Ut-napi8ti’s pilot Uršanabi, but
it seems more likely that these boating scenes
refer to various different ritual excursions of
men and perhaps sometimes of gods (see jour-
neys and processions of the gods). In scenes
of the presentation of offerings to a temple,
common on seals of the Late Uruk Period, the
procession of devotees, usually on foot, is
sometimes shown approaching the temple by
boat (or else on foot and by boat), as some
temples were sited on the water-front. Oc-
casionally a small shrine is mounted on a
boat, while people standing on the same vessel
approach from one side.

The Babylonians recognised a constellation
called the Barge.

boats of the gods
Justas the gods, or the cult statues which rep-

N
MTNS mA

36 Sama’, the sun god, in his anthropomor-
phised deified boat. Detail from a cylinder seal of
the Akkadian Period from E8nunna (modern
Tell Asmar).

resented them, had houses (see temples and
temple architecture), tables to eat from (see
food and drink of the gods), beds to sleep in
and clothes and jewellery to adorn them, so
they also had full-sized barges — usually pro-
pelled by rowers — in which to travel by river or
canal. These boats were actually used when the
statutes of the gods made ritual journeys to visit
one another at festival times (see journeys and
processions of the gods). Individual boats
had names. During that period of Meso-
potamian history when each year was named
after an important event of the preceding
year (about 2300-1650 BC), the refitting and
caulking of the boat of a god was a sufficiently
grand and expensive undertaking to serve as a
year-name.

The god’s boat would be stored in the temple
and it seems that the cult statue of the god and
some of the god’s or goddess’s treasure might
be exhibited in the boat.

The boats of the gods are a favourite theme
in Sumerian literature, especially in the vari-
ous poems celebrating divine journeys. In the

(ota
mms

LIN

ples kae ik

Cnr in eRe MA

Z CO ines

boundary stones

orb

poem Lugale, the god Ninurta travels home in
his barge Ma-kar-nunta-ea and the boatmen
(rowers) serenade him with a hymn of praise.
The Assyrian king Sennacherib (reigned 704—
681 BC) made an offering of a ship of gold to the
god Ea (Enki).

See Lamastu; ‘omega’ symbol.

boat with human head

On seal designs of the Early Dynastic and Ak-
kadian Periods, the boats which are shown
conveying people or deities by river or canal are
on occasion rendered with a prominent prow
terminating in a human head, occasionally also
with human torso and arms, with which the

man-boat might actually row himself. Since 36

the human head is sometimes crowned by a
horned cap, it seems likely that the rendering
is of a boat god (perhaps the minor deity
Sirsir), or in effect, perhaps, an animation and
personification of the boat of a god.

Among the group of mythological characters
known as the Slain Heroes, defeated and
killed by the god Ninēirsu (or in an alternative
version Ninurta), is one referred to as the
Magillum-boat. Nothing is known of the form
in which this creature was envisaged.

boundary stones: see kudurrus.

18,37,
49,65,
78,82,
108, 144,
155

bucket and cone
bow-legged dwarf: see dwarf.

bucket and cone

In Neo-Assyrian art, objects resembling a pine
cone and a bucket (or occasionally a bucket
alone) are held as attributes by a number of
different genies, often in association with the
stylised tree; the ‘cone’ is held up in the right
hand, the bucket held down in the left. Only
very rarely are these objects held by figures
which might be interpreted as entirely human;
almost always they are held by genies or
human-animal hybrids (see demons and
monsters). As well as in front of the stylised
tree, the bucket and cone are seen held before
floral decorative elements, guardian super-
natural figures, the king or his attendants, or
open doorways. The cone has been interpreted
as a fir cone (Pinus brutia), as the male flower of
the date palm or as a clay object in imitation of
such. The bucket has been thought to have
been of metal or wicker, and to have contained

either water or pollen (see stylised tree and its
‘rituals’). Written sources on the matter are
few, but it seems clear that the bucket and cone
were associated with purification, for they are
known respectively as banduddi (bucket) and,
significantly, mullilu (purifier), and figurines
of genies holding these attributes were among
the types placed within buildings for protection
from malevolent demons and disease (see
building rites and deposits; magic and
sorcery).

building rites and deposits

In ancient Mesopotamia, building activities
seem generally to have been accompanied by
certain appropriate rites. During the construc-
tion of new buildings, especially temples,
there were usually some religious ceremonies
and magical practices associated with the con-
secration of the edifice, its purification, dedi-
cation and protection from demonic forces.
The residents of private houses might employ

9,11,
12,38,
40,57,

70,116,

136

related rituals to safeguard themselves and
their property from demons and diseases, at
the completion of the building or at the out-
break of a particular illness. Such rituals are
generally treated together in modern literature
as foundation or building rites. They often in-
volved the use of deposits of various kinds
placed in the foundations, or installed at the
time of the foundation, of a building.
See figurines; ipar.

39 (right) Goddess, bull
and so-called ‘winged
gate’. Detail from a
cylinder seal of the
Akkadian Period.

37 (left) Details of bucket
and cone held by genies on
monumental stone reliefs
from the Royal Palace

of the Assyrian king
Assurnasirpal 1 (reigned
883-8598C) at Kalhu
(modern Nimrud).

bull and ‘winged gate’

bull I
A bull’s head on early historic painted pottery
has been thought to symbolise a storm god, but
without definite proof. From the Old Babylon-
ian Period onwards, however, the bull is
usually associated with a god whose attribute of
lightning confirms his identity as a storm god.
Thunderclouds are referred to as the ‘bull-
calves’ of the storm god Adad (ISkur). In the
Old Babylonian Period, the bull can also be an
attribute of the moon god Nanna-Suen, since
it is associated with the crescent on seals. On
astronomical tablets, the depiction of a bull
represents the constellation Taurus.

See crescent; horned cap; wedge; zodiac.

bull and ‘winged gate’

Occurring prominently on cylinder seals of the
Akkadian Period is a motif of a tripartite rec-
tangular structure with sealed central portion
and multiple projections emanating from the
upper part. Carrying the construction on its
back, or perhaps simply lying in front of it, is a
recumbent bull. A god or goddess sits in front
of the animal. Either the deity gestures to the

38 (lefi) Copper ‘peg figurines’, which were
driven into the foundations of buildings: (lefi)
from the temple of the goddess Inana at Nippur,
depicting King Sulgi of the Third Dynasty of Ur
ceremonially carrying a builder’s basket; (right) a
deity securing the peg, from the time of Ur-
Ningirsu of Lagaš, son of Gudea.

aA] aa
= = Eh

31,89

159

bull-man

beast with raised hands, offers a small bowl, or
else holds the animal’s horns or the end of a
halter fastened to a ring piercing its nostrils.
Alternatively, or in addition, the deity holds a
rope fastened to one side of the main construc-
tion, while a second rope attached to the other
side is held by an attendant.

Some modern commentators have regarded
the construction as a partly closed doorway,
and have thought that the projections resemble
wings, hence the term ‘winged gate’. These
projections have alternatively been regarded as
rays of light, either of the morning sun (with
the ‘ropes’ regarded as streams of water), or of
the moon, the ‘gate of night’, shutting in the
moon god in his aspect as the ‘young bull of
heaven’. Since the bull was also an animal of
the storm god, a possible interpretation of the
projections might be as flashes of lightning. A
related theory sees in the subject a case of
animal sacrifice to a conquering sky god.
When the deity is a goddess, the scene has also
been explained as a depiction of the myth of
Ištar (Inana) and the Bull of Heaven. Prob-
ably, however, the scene represents an episode
of some myth of the Akkadian Period which is

40 The bull-man on clay
reliefs. (/efi) Example from the
Old Babylonian Period, place of
discovery unknown. Ht.127mm.
(right) Example from the
Neo-Assyrian ‘Period, found in a
brick box buried in the
foundations of a building at
Assur. Ht.141mm.

now lost to us. That the iconography is very
rarely attested after that time may suggest that
the myth was no longer current, which would
render its chances of recovery extremely slim.

bull-man

Bulls and lions in quasi-human pose figure
among the fabulous beasts of the so-called
‘proto-Elamite’ (early third millennium Bc)
glyptic art of south-western Iran. They have
been interpreted as personifying the ele-
mentary principles of world order.

The figure of the ‘bull-man’, with human
head and torso but taurine horns, lower body
and legs, first appears in the second phase of
the Early Dynastic Period, when the creature is
to be seen very commonly on cylinder seals. He
is usually shown in profile, with a single visible
horn projecting forward, although we know
from those rarer occasions when either the
head only or the whole body above the waist
(but not below it) is shown in frontal view, that
he was intended to be double-horned. He
appears singly, in pairs or even in triplicate, in
contest scenes with rampant animals. Some-
times he is associated in his struggle with a

41 The heroes Gilgameš and Enkidu slay the
Bull of Heaven sent by the goddess Ištar. Blue
chalcedony cylinder seal of the Neo-Assyrian
Period, with modern impression. Ht.28 mm.

human figure, from the later (Third) Early
Dynastic Period usually with another stock
figure, the ‘hero’ with curls (see Lahmu).
Contest scenes involving this pair of figures
become the most common of all themes in the
glyptic art of the Akkadian Period.

In the art of the Old Babylonian and Kassite
Periods, the bull-man appears, as well as in
contests, as an attendant of the sun god Šamaš
(Utu). In the scene on a Neo-Babylonian
foundation tablet, a pair of bull-men support
the throne of this god.

From the Kassite Period, perhaps, the figure
becomes a magically protective demon, and by
Neo-Assyrian times it seems that his specific
association with Šamaš has been weakened; he
might still hold the god’s symbol, and is also
seenas a supporter of Samas’s winged disc, but
the bull-man also appears as one ofa repertoire
of generally beneficent creatures, monumental
and small-scale images of whom were placed
within buildings as a barrier to evil (see build-
ing rites and deposits; demons and mon-
sters). The bull-man is also found in the art of
the Achaemenid Period.

Bull of Heaven

Kusarikku (Sumerian gud-alim), probably
the name for the extinct bison, became the term
for the bull-man (and possibly also for the bull
with human head — see bulls and lions with
human head). There is no basis for the sug-
gestion that the figure of the bull-man in art
represents the legendary hero Enkidu.

See Tiamat’s creatures; Slain Heroes;
ring-staff.

Bull of Heaven

The Bull of Heaven was a mythical beast de-
manded by Ištar (Inana) from her father Anu
(An) so as to destroy the city of Uruk when her
amorous advances toward Gilgameš were re-
pudiated by the hero. The bull caused wide-
spread destruction but was eventually killed by
Gilgameš with the assistance of Enkidu. As a
taunt, GilgameS dedicated the animal’s horns
to his personal god Lugalbanda. The story is
told both in the Sumerian poem ‘Gilgameš and
the Bull of Heaven’ and in tablet VI of the
Babylonian Epic of Gilgameš.

As a constellation, the Bull of Heaven is
Taurus (see zodiac), and it has been suggested
that the story of Enkidu throwing the thigh of
the bull at Ištar attempts to account for the
apparent lack of the bull’s hind quarters in the

_ outline of the constellation.

See bull and ‘winged gate’.

bulls and lions with human head

42 A colossal stone gateway guardian in the form of a human-headed winged bull, one of a pair
that originally flanked one of the entrances to the royal palace of the Assyrian king Sargon 11
(reigned 721~705BC) at Dir-Sarkén (modern Khorsabad). The creature was designed to be
viewed from either the front or side, hence its five legs. Ht.4.42m.

53
30,36

16,53

bulls and lions with human head

A human-headed winged or wingless bull is a
common motif in Mesopotamian art from the
Early Dynastic Period through to Neo-
Babylonian times, and was taken over also into
the art of the Achaemenid Empire. Monu-
mental sculptures of man-headed bulls and
lions carved in the round were particularly
common in the Neo-Assyrian Period (and
similarly in Achaemenid times) as gateway
guardians. Such figures adorned the palaces of
the more important Assyrian kings from Assur-
nasirpal II (reigned 883-859 Bc) until Esar-
haddon (reigned 680-669 BC); their absence
from the palace of King Assurbanipal (reigned
668—c.627 BC) was perhaps due to the lack of
availability of large enough blocks of stone at
that time; some of Esarhaddon’s bull-colossi
were made from separate blocks fitted together.
Male and female human-headed lions (often
referred to as ‘sphinxes’) occur.

It is possible, but not certain, that the bull
with human head was, like the bull-man,
known in Akkadian as kusarikku (see bison).
The more usual identification with figures
called by the Assyrians aladlammi (or lamassu
and sédu) is also possible (see lama).

Bunene: see Utu.

chaplet
burials: see death and funerary practices.

canal gods: see
Enkimdu; Ningirsu.

Enbilulu; Ennugi;

Cedar Forest: see Gilgameš; Huwawa.

centaur
A figure human above the waist with, below, the
body and all four legs of a horse, is known in
the Kassite and Middle Assyrian Periods on
seals and sealings and on kudurrus. It also
occurs on Babylonian stamp-seals of Hellen-
istic date. Sometimes it has the tail of a scor-
pion. The human part is often shown armed
with a bow or club, hunting other animals. In
the Hellenistic Period the creature represents
the god Pabilsag.

See bison; lion-centaur; merman and
mermaid.

chaplet

A so-called ‘chaplet’, or string of beads, is
carried as an attribute by a goddess who
appears on the palace sculpture of King Assur-
nasirpal II of Assyria (reigned 883-859 Bc). On
Neo-Assyrian seals, the goddess carrying the
chaplet is sometimes Ištar (Inana). Sometimes
the ring of the ‘rod and ring attribute, often

43 (lefi) A centaur catching an antelope. Detail from a cylinder seal of the Middle Assyrian Period.

44 (right) A ‘chaplet’ of beads, held in the hand of a goddess. Detail of a carved stone monumental
relief from the royal palace of the Assyrian king Assurnasirpal 11 (reigned 883—859Bc).

“N

—

chariots of the gods

held by the more important gods, resembles
such a chaplet. On the reliefs probably of King
Sennacherib (reigned 704—681BC) at Maltai,
male deities carry a ‘rod and ring’, goddesses
just a ring, probably a similar chaplet.

chariots of the gods

Just as there were boats of the gods, so the
gods also had chariots for use in travel and
battle. They are often depicted standing in
their chariots, especially the storm god Iškur/
Adad. In actuality, the cult statues of the gods
were transported by land in chariots and wag-
ons. Perhaps on occasion, when documentary
accounts describe a god as overseeing or actu-
ally involved in a battle, the statue of the god
was conveyed to the battlefield.

Bunene is said to have been the charioteer
(and in some accounts the son) of Utu. At least
in seventh-century BC theology, Utu was
thought to ride his chariot across the sky by day,
and through the ‘interior of heaven’ by night.

See horse; journeys and processions of
the gods.

charms: see amulets; magic and sorcery.

‘cone-smearing’ ceremony: see bucket and
cone; stylised tree and its ‘rituals’.

L
A

cosmology

A variety of cosmological ideas were current at
different periods of Mesopotamian history.
The earlier, Sumerian, view of cosmology
seems to have been one of a dipartite universe
consisting of an (heaven) and ki (earth,
including the underworld) (see Du-ku).
Originally united and inhabited only by gods,
they were at a primordial time separated from
each other. This separation may have been
connected with the need to have a place for
mankind to inhabit. The earth was viewed as a
rectangular field with four corners, an image
which persisted, at least as a formulaic expres-
sion, until much later times.

The Babylonians, on the other hand,
according to one tablet showing a map of the
world, regarded the earth as a flat disc, with the
salt sea surrounding it. Beyond the sea lay eight
nagi (regions), one of which was the home of
Ut-napišti (Ziusura), survivor of the Flood.
Under the world, according to other sources,
was the apsi (abzu) and below that the under-
world, entered by a pair of bolted gates at the
extreme eastern and western horizons, down to
which the approach was by staircase. Through
these the sun passed each day, entering at the
west side and emerging at the east. A staircase
also led up to heaven. According to one tra-

45 A worshipper pours a libation over an altar before a god (probably [Skur) riding in his chariot, drawn
by a winged lion-dragon. A naked goddess stands on the back of the beast. From a cylinder seal of the

Akkadian Period.

46 A bird’s-eye view of the world
according to the Babylonians, as
sketched on a clay tablet of later
Babylonian times now in the
British Museum.

dition, there were three superimposed heavens,
the lowest of which contained the stars, the
middle being the home of the Igigü and the
topmost that of Anu (An). In a separate,
astronomical, tradition the eastern horizon was
divided into three vertical bands (see
astrology and astronomy).

The Babylonian Epic of Creation adapts
this system, reflecting both the dipartite uni-
verse of heaven and earth (when Tiamatis split
in two), and a four-part universe of heaven,
lower heaven (home of Enlil), earth (nome of
Marduk) and apsi.

Reflecting the old Sumerian idea of the
separation of heaven and earth, an important
cosmological image is that of the ‘mooring-
rope’ or ‘mooring-pole’ of heaven and earth
(also called the ‘nose-rope’, as used for cattle,
or the ‘boundary post’). A temple thought to be
a channel of communication between earth and
heaven might be so described.

See creation.

cow and calf

With apparent antecedents in early historic and
Sumerian art, a group consisting of a cow and
her calf is a common motif from the Old Baby-

creation

1 1 WHERE THE
SUN IS NOT

y
lonian to the Neo-Assyrian Period, and recurs
even in the Parthian era. The motif often
appears to be a divine symbol, and has been
interpreted as an emblem of Ištar (Inana) or,
perhaps with more probability, of Nin-
hursağa. That the group was represented in
apotropaic monumental sculpture, at least in
Urartu, is proved by the record of the pieces
plundered by Sargon II of Assyria from the
temple of Haldi (see Urartian gods) at
Musasir in 7148C, which included ‘one bull;
one cow together with her calf’. The cow and
calf motif was depicted on the Assyrian palace
relief showing the sacking of the temple.

creation
Mesopotamian accounts of the beginning of
the world vary according to which cosmology
is followed. Generally, however, it is assumed
that the gods have existed for avery long time,
but not forever, and that man is a later arrival
on the scene. Nammu was the mother who
gave birth to An (heaven), Ki (earth) and the
other ‘great gods’. (See also AnSar and
KiSar.)

To express the idea of creation various im-
ages were used. First, the idea of sexual inter-

7,10,
14,21,
49,82,
87,88,

47,73

111

crescent

course between gods: the god Nanna was the
offspring of Enlil and Ninlil. Enki and Nin-
hursaga produced a series of eight deities. An
and Ki produced natural vegetation. Enlil and
Kur produced Summer and Winter, per-
sonified in a Sumerian poem.

Second, the image of modelling by hand a
figurine of clay was used, particularly for the
creation of mankind. Either a mother god-
dess such as Nammu or Aruru, or else Enki,
moulds the creature (sometimes with another
goddess standing by as ‘midwife’). In the Epic
of Atra-hasis, the clay is mixed with the blood
of a slain god. In the Epic of Creation, man is
apparently created solely from the blood of a
slain god, Qingu.

Finally, the quickening power of the divine
utterance is seen as responsible for creation.
Especially Enki is described as undertaking
the organisation of the universe, and as accom-
plishing this solely by the creative power of his
word.

Personal gods are sometimes described as
being responsible for the creation of the in-
dividual under their protection.

See Berossos; Igigi; Sacred Marriage.

crescent

The recumbent crescent moon occurs as a
motif in Mesopotamian art from prehistoric
times down to the Neo-Babylonian Period, and
at least from the Old Babylonian Period is
known from inscriptions to have been a symbol
of the moon god Sin (Nanna-Suen). Its Ak-
kadian name was uskaru. In all periods a
common variant placed the emblem on a post,
sometimes with elaborate trimmings, when it
appears as an independent motif or is held by
gods, goddesses, or animal or hybrid figures.
Probably it was then considered to have a
magically protective power. From the Old
Babylonian Period onwards, and especially
from Kassite times, Sin’s crescent was often
depicted within a disc; sometimes this appears
to be a fusion of the crescent and solar disc, as
if symbolic of an eclipse. In Neo-Assyrian and
Neo-Babylonian art, the upper body of a god,
presumably Sin, may appear emerging from the

crescent. On at least one Neo-Assyrian cylin-
der seal we find a winged crescent with cen-
trally placed god, who wears a crescent-headed
cap, and smaller inward-facing deities on the
ends of the wings, in apparent imitation of the
common symbol of the gods on the winged
disc.
See ‘omega’ symbol; star (symbol).

crook
The crook-headed stick is an element mainly
occurring in Old Babylonian glyptic art. It
occurs as an isolated motif, held by a god, or
set above a goat or sitting dog. It is often
placed close to the ‘figure with mace’, with
whom it may, therefore, have been associated.
It is a symbol of the god Amurru (Martu).

On a Kassite seal the crook is held by the
fish-garbed figure, who is associated with Ea
(Enki). On Neo-Assyrian seals a god who
stands upon a goat-fish, probably Ea, some-
times carries the crook; here it may serve simply
as a crude representation of the god’s staff with
ram’s head (see standards, staves and scep-
tres of the gods).

The constellation called the Crook corre-
sponds to Auriga (see zodiac).

cross

Apart from the swastika, the only cruciform
motif attested as a distinct element in Meso-
potamian art is the ‘cross formée’, a form
approximating to that today known as the Malt-
ese cross. In prehistoric and early historic art,
the form occurs only as part of geometric and
floral designs, or in isolated contexts to which it
is difficult to attach with any certainty a reli-
gious meaning. After the Early Dynastic
Period the motif disappears from art until the
mid-second millennium Bc.

Appearing frequently on Kassite Period
cylinder seals (with a rarer variant on Middle
Assyrian), the ‘Kassite’ cross, as it has been
called, probably had an independent origin. It
may have been a symbol of the Kassite sun
deity. It appears in contexts which strongly
suggest that it is a sun symbol, substituting for
the solar disc, or in positions later occupied by

106

the winged disc. These include, most
commonly, positioning between a god with
raised hand and a worshipper (the latter some-
times, in fact, omitted), above scenes of hunt-
ing, or in association with the stylised tree.
The cross does not, however, appear on the
kudurrus, where the solar disc represents the
sun god.

In Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian art,
the cross was apparently normally replaced by
the winged disc. Sculptures of Assyrian kings,
however, can show them wearing divine sym-
bols as earrings or as pendants strung upon a
necklace, and in these cases it is the cross

cult statues

rather than the winged disc which is invariably
to be seen. It is only rarely that the cross stands
in place of the winged disc on Assyrian seals,
but here in some cases it is shown with four
undulating projections, probably solar rays,
emerging diagonally from its intersections.
These are strong indications for the cross as a
further symbol (together with the solar disc and
winged disc) of the sun god Šamaš (Utu).

cult statues

The gods manifested themselves on earth
through the vehicle of their cult statues. With-
out exactly being the god, the statue was

‘a4

47 A crescent (here, as
often, enclosed within a
disc), symbol of the moon

god Sin (Nanna-Suen). II ©

A
es
Di ay III

48 A Neo-Assyrian
version of a cross, probably
a symbol of the sun god
Samaš.

49 (right) Scenes of
worship before the cult
statue of the goddess Ištar
standing in her shrine.
From cylinder seals of the
Neo-Assyrian Period, of a
modelled style attributable
to the 8th—7th centuries BC.

Dagan

regarded as much more than his or her image,
since it was imbued with (but did not in any way
restrict) the divine presence. The closest paral-
lel in modern religions, perhaps, is the rôle of
the icon in Eastern Orthodoxy, while in the
secular field it may be as well to remember that
the eye of a child will see life and personality in
a doll which, on another level, the mind recog-
nises as an inanimate toy.

Cult statues were made at least as early as the
Third Dynasty of Ur, usually carved in an
expensive imported wood, overlaid with gold.
In the Babylonian periods, at least, the newly
dedicated image was imbued with the presence
of the deity by the performance of rituals,
known as ‘Washing the mouth’ and ‘Opening
the mouth’. Since the deity needed to eat and
drink (see food and drink of the gods), the
temple kitchens would prepare daily meals.
Animals and plants were raised and grown in
the temple’s fields or were contributed by local
fishermen and farmers. The sacrifices and
offerings of devotees supplemented the stocks
of food, which, in practice, were eaten by the
clergy and temple staff. The cult statue was not
only fed, but also dressed in the finest gar-
ments, constantly bathed, taken to bed in the
god’s richly adorned bedchamber, and treated
to festivities and entertainments, such as
music. Diversions from the routine were pro-
vided by the great monthly festivals and other
special occasions, such as visits by land or river
to other cities (see boats of the gods; chariots
of the gods; journeys and processions of
the gods).

See nude woman; Sacred Marriage;
temples and temple architecture.

Dagan
Dagan (Hebrew Dagon) was a West Semitic
corn god who came to be worshipped exten-
sively throughout the Near East, including
Mesopotamia. The original meaning of the
name is unknown, but dagan is a common word
in Hebrew and Ugaritic for ‘grain’, and
according to one tradition the god Dagan was
the inventor of the plough.

Dagan’s cult is known at Mari from about

2500 BC, at Ebla about 2300 Bc and at Ugarit
over a thousand years later. Sargon of Agade
and his grandson Naram-Suen attributed
many of their conquests to the power of Dagan.
At some point Dagan became the principal god
of the Philistines.

At Ugarit, on the Mediterranean coast,
Dagan was regarded as the father of the god
Baal (Hadad) and second only in rank to the
supreme god El. However, he is not an impor-
tant figure in Ugaritic myths. His rôle as veget-
ation god seems to have been largely usurped
by Baal by about 1500 BC.

At an early date Dagan was assimilated into
the Sumerian pantheon, but only as a minor
deity, attendant upon Enlil. The goddess Sala
became his spouse; in a different tradition,
Dagan’s wife was IShara. It was said to be by
the might of ‘his creator’ Dagan that Hammu-
rabi of Babylon was able to conquer the city of
Mari, while the contemporary Assyrian king
Šamš-Adad I, ‘worshipper of Dagan’, built a
temple to the god at Terqa, which he named
E-kisiga, the ‘House of Funerary Offerings’. In
an Assyrian poem, Dagan sits, along with Ner-
gal and MiSaru (see good and evil), as judge
of the dead when they reached the under-
world. In Babylonian belief Dagan kept with
him in the underworld, in everlasting bondage,
the seven children of the god EnmeSarra (see
Seven (gods)).

A tradition dating back at least to the fourth
century aD of Dagan as a fish deity is
erroneous.

Damgalnuna (Damkina)

Damgalnuna is the earlier Sumerian name of
the goddess Damkina. Fish offerings were
made to her in Lagaš and Umma in early times,
but her principal cult centre was the city of
Malgûm. Perhaps originally one of a number
of mother goddesses, she achieved an in-
dependent personality as the wife of Enki. In
the Babylonian Epic of Creation, Ea (Enki)
and Damkina are the parents of the god Mar-
duk. Assurnasirpal II, king of Assyria (883-
859 BC), built a temple to them at Kalhu
(modern Nimrud).

The animal associated with Damkina was
the lion; astrologically she was associated with
the constellation called the Wagon of Heaven
(Ursa Minor).

Damkina: see Damgalnuna.

Damu

A god of healing, who drives away demons and
‘binds the torn sinew’, Damu was honoured
especially at Isin, and also at Larsa, Ur and
perhaps Girsu. He is usually regarded as a son
of the goddess Ninisina and as a son of, or else
identical with, the god NingiSzida (although
one Akkadian translation of a Sumerian poem
erroneously describes him as a ‘daughter’ of
Ninisina). But these details vary, and some-
times he seems to be more closely linked with
the circle of Nan&e. It is unclear whether the
Damu worshipped at Ebla and Emar in Syria
was the same deity or a local hero. The official
cult of Damu seems to have died out after the
Old Babylonian Period.

Astrologically, Damu was associated with
the constellation called the Pig (possibly Del-
phinus).

In some Sumerian poems, Dumuzi is
addressed as ‘my Damu’, butit is possible thata
different word, perhaps meaning ‘child’, is in-
volved here.

Dayyanu: see good and evil.

dead gods
In Mesopotamia, although immortality was
reserved for the gods (see Siduri), not all gods
were immortal. A number of deities were
regarded as dead. Nor were ‘heroes’ exempt
from death. Only Ziusura/Ut-napi8ti was
granted eternal life, while others (including
the partly divine Gilgameš) would perish.
Unlike mortal men, gods do not seem ever to
have died of diseases, nor generally of the
activities of demons (although Dumuzi was
seized by gallas). Dead gods were usually those
who had been slain. Seals of the Akkadian
Period show deities in battle, sometimes one
slaying another.

dead gods

The idea that gods could be killed as well as
created is met with near the beginning of the
Babylonian Epic of Creation, when Apsû (see
abzu), having engendered a line of deities by
his union with Tiamat, almost immediately
decides to destroy them again because of the
nuisance they have caused him. In fact, the
tables are turned, and Apsii himself falls victim
at the hands of Ea (Enki). The subsequent
death of Tiamat is presented as playing a
crucial part in the creation of the universe,
since heaven and earth (Ki) are made from the
two separated halves of the monster’s body
(see cosmology). Furthermore, humankind is
created, in part, from the blood of Tiaémat’s
consort, the god Qingu, who meets his death,
following Tidmat’s defeat, by a kind of judicial
execution. Apparently, the eleven monstrous
creations of Tidmat who have fought at her side
(Tidmat’s creatures) are killed by Marduk in
the great battle, but statues of them are placed
by Marduk in the apsd (abzu).

Nothing in detail is known of the myth or
myths concerning the killing of the Slain
Heroes, but it seems clear that they were gods
who were believed to be long dead, yet who

50 One god cuts the throat of another. Both
figures wear the horned cap of divinity. From a
cylinder seal of the Akkadian Period. -

11,1

6
8

— oO

death and funerary practices

continued to receive offerings (see sacrifice
and offering) and worship just as living gods.
Their slaying by Ningirsu or Ninurta is
paralleled by Marduk’s defeat and killing of
the creatures of Tidmat. Since in both cases
images of these slain monsters were made
(statues of Tidmat’s creatures, at least, were in
the first millennium BC regarded as magically
protective demons), it seems that, in spite of
being dead, these gods were thought still to
possess some effective powers. Similarly the
magical power and wisdom of ancient (and
probably dead) gods such as Lahmu and even
the Seven Sages could be harnessed by the
modelling of a figurine in the image of the
creature and by the recital of incantations to
imbue the figure with the dead entity’s presence
(seemagicand sorcery). Huwawa/Humbaba,
slain by Gilgameš and Enkidu, is a further
case in point: probably his image was believed
to be effective as a magical force against evil.

For men, ‘death’ usually meant journeying
to the underworld (see afterlife; death and
funerary practices), but for a god who was
not dismembered (as Tidmat or Qingu were)
the precise meaning of his or her ‘death’ is
unclear. Huwawa seems simply to disappear
from the scene, as if into oblivion: we do not
hear of his doings or sufferings after death.
Some ‘dead gods’, however, seem to have had
underworld associations.

The most famous ‘dead god’ of ancient
Mesopotamia is Dumuzi. Since he was a shep-
herd god, the tradition of his death and rebirth
was possibly an aetiological myth related to the
passage of the seasons. The god’s ‘death’ seems
to have involved his forced abduction to the
underworld. (See NingiSzida.)

Another god described as ‘dead’ is Gugal-
ana, the first spouse and consort of the under-
world queen EreSkigal. In the Sumerian poem
‘Inana’s Descent to the Nether World’, in
order to gain admission to the underworld,
Inana says that she has come to attend the
‘funeral’ of Gugal-ana, her brother-in-law.
Whether Gugal-ana’s ‘funeral’ merely com-
memorated his removal to the infernal regions
(in a certain sense, his ‘death’) or whether it

followed a ‘second’ death in the underworld —
whatever might be understood by that — is
unknown. (Inana herself, on her visit to the
nether regions, is described in terms that sug-
gest her ‘death’.

Some baked clay figurines possibly of the
Isin-Larsa or Old Babylonian Period show a
god who seems to be lying in a coffin. This has
been interpreted as Nergal, lord of the under-
world, at rest.

death and funerary practices

It was believed in ancient Mesopotamia that
immortality was reserved for gods; death was
the inevitable lot of man (see Siduri). Nor was
the afterlife considered very palatable: in the
Sumerian underworld the dead consumed
dust, while the Assyro-Babylonian hell was
peopled by a plethora of intimidating demons
and monsters. This is in marked contrast to
Egyptian concepts of the glorious life to come,
which gave rise to the practice of embalming
and mummification. Mesopotamian pessimism
in this regard probably arose from the com-
paratively harsh conditions of almost every
aspect of life, the alluvial plain of Sumer being
well suited to agricultural production but lack-
ing virtually all raw materials, except for
natural clays.

It has been suggested that the practice of
burial in the prehistoric societies of Meso-
potamia sought either to maintain close com-
munication with the deceased, by means of a
cult of the dead, or, conversely, to restrain the
dead from haunting the living, as they would
do if left unburied and free to wander (see
gidim). The Sumerian rite of pouring liba-
tions into the ground by means of a clay pipe,
probably intended to give the deceased a drink,
may be evidence that the dead were believed to
remain in their graves. In the time of the Third
Dynasty of Ur, however, as illustrated by
a funerary poem, there was a belief in different
treatments of the dead on arrival in the under-
world dependent upon the nature of their
burials. The proper burial of the deceased was
therefore of crucial importance to his or her
future ‘life’.

frontis.

The most usual practice throughout the
ancient Near East seems to have been inhum-
ation (interment of the body in the earth or in
a container), although the almost complete
absence of adult burials of the Uruk Period
may possibly suggest the practice of exposing
corpses at that time. Cremation (the burning of
the bodily remains) does not seem to have been
practised in any period: there is no evidence in
excavated graves in Mesopotamia for the use of
fire and a Sumerian text suggests that to be
burned to death accidentally was regarded as a
sorry plight indeed (see afterlife).

The earliest known human remains in
Mesopotamia have been excavated at Shanidar

51 A Sumerian burial of
the Early Dynastic
Period, excavated by
archaeologists at the site
of Abu Salabikh (perhaps
ancient Ere$).

death and funerary practices

Cave in the Zagros mountains. The nine
skeletons (seven adults and two infants) do not
all belong to a single period, but date from
perhaps about 60,000 to 45,000 years ago.
The majority of burials known from archae-
ological excavations have been found in
cemeteries. These involve the graves of male
and female adults and children. Young
children were sometimes buried in the same
graves as (male or female) adults, and in
certain periods there is evidence for a blood
relationship in such cases. Babies, however,
were normally not buried in the cemeteries but
either under the floors of private houses, often
in cooking pots (sometimes with a hint of

35,52,
83,84

death and funerary practices

human sacrifice), or simply tossed onto
rubbish dumps as if they were regarded as sub-
human. Adults were also buried beneath the
floors of houses, but only rarely on rubbish
tips.

The relative wealth and degree of elabora-
tion in the construction of graves varies con-
siderably according to time, place and, in some
periods, the social status of the individuals in-
volved. Sumerian burials can show a very high
level of effort and expenditure, most notably
with the so-called ‘Royal Tombs’ at Ur,
but also in the richly furnished graves in
cemeteries at some urban sites. At less wealthy

52 An elaborate object
used for supporting some
grave furnishing. A he-goat
made of shell, lapis lazuli
and gold on a wooden core.
One of a pair found in one
of the fantastically rich
‘Royal Tombs’ at Ur. Early
Dynastic Period.

Ht. 470mm.

sites, however, burials can have comparatively
little in the way of grave goods. By the first
millennium BC, an exaggerated social differen-
tiation is apparent within given cultures. Neo-
Assyrian burials, for example, range from
simple pit burials with few or no funerary
goods, through wealthier interments often in
‘bath-tub’ coffins of terracotta or copper/
bronze, to fantastically wealthy graves such as
those of the Assyrian queens very recently dis-
covered at Kalhu (modern Nimrud).

The construction of graves ranges from
simple pits, through slightly more elaborate
burials with burial chambers bricked off from

the access shaft and rock-cut or stone-capped
tombs, to brick or stone mausolea involving
considerable cost and effort in construction.
Often the burial chamber, even in the poorest
graves, seems to have been lined with reeds or
palm leaves, loose or in the form of woven mats.
The body was often covered in a similar
manner.

In Early Dynastic, contemporary northern
Mesopotamian (‘Ninevite 5’) and early Baby-
lonian burials the body has usually been found
in the flexed or so-called ‘sleeping’ position
(with the legs together, bent and raised),
though not often in the crouched or so-called
‘foetal’ posture (with legs tightly flexed and
close to the chin). Later the preferred position
seems to have been the ‘stretched’ posture (with
the body laid out full length, legs straight, and
lying on the side or back).

The orientation of burials was often by the
points of the compass, and can sometimes be
shown to be related to other factors such as the
sex or age of the deceased. Preferred orienta-
tion, or avoidance of certain orientations,
varied according to period and location.

Except in the case of very wealthy in-
dividuals, adorned with a mass of jewellery,
evidence of the clothing worn by the deceased
is slim, since in the arid conditions of the
Mesopotamian plain textiles rarely survive. A
few fragments have, however, been found.
Those from one Ninevite 5 Period burial have
been identified as silk (!) and linen. The fairly
common occurrence of copper or bronze pins,
often found on the chest or at the shoulders,
does suggest that the body was usually dressed.
Beads have often been found in large numbers
as necklaces (or more rarely strung around the
waist) or in smaller numbers or individually at
the wrists (on occasion close to the ankles).
Numbers of cylinder seals have also on rare
occasions been found strung around the wrist,
perhaps worn as beads; more usually a single
seal was placed separately in the grave.

Burials without grave goods were not un-
common, but even an impoverished burial
would often contain a pot or two, evena broken
one. Pottery is the most common of objects

death and funerary practices

found in graves, although it is difficult at times
to distinguish between those vessels which
were themselves funerary offerings and those
which served merely as carriers for food,
drink, washing water or cosmetics. There is
only occasional, and equivocal, evidence for
vessels made purposefully for the grave. ‘Sets’
of vessels of differing sizes, placed one inside
another, and apparently to be used together, are
common, however, in Sumerian and Ninevite 5
burials. The position of the vessels within the
graves may — almost accidentally — give us some
indication of their intended purpose, for even
if no rules governed the positioning, it would
be natural to locate the more important and
personal items close to the body, with other
objects piled into the remaining space. In Early
Dynastic and Ninevite 5 burials the deceased
often holds a small bowl in front of the face as
if to eat: even when no vessel is present, the
hands are normally held in this position and
perhaps originally held some food, long since
perished. The bones of a small animal have in
one case been retrieved from the bowl in this
position. The bones of larger animals and the
carbonised remains of cereals, probably the
remains of food or sacrificial offerings (see
animal sacrifice), have sometimes been found
in the graves. A large vessel often placed close
to the head, regularly with a smaller pot sitting
within its rim, was perhaps a provision of
drinking water, complete with scoop. Another
large vessel is sometimes found together with a
large natural stone slab (the so-called
‘gravestone’): these have been interpreted as a
container for washing water and an ablution
slab.

Smaller stones and pebbles, sometimes of
differing colours and carefully placed on the
body, have been interpreted as having a sym-
bolic or magical function.

Tools and weapons are not very common in
Mesopotamian burials of any period.

The grave goods seem to have served a vari-
ety of purposes. Some objects were so personal
to the deceased that their inclusion in the grave
was natural, since they would not be used
by others. Except in the richest graves, this

dedication

category of goods probably comprised only
items of clothing or children’s toys. A second
category of items was included for the use of
the dead person in or on their way to the after-
life, or as gifts for the denizens of the under-
world (referred to in texts of the Early Dynastic
Period and Third Dynasty of Ur). Finally,
goods eventually assigned to the grave could
represent a public display of wealth by the de-
ceased’s family and friends during the funeral
ceremonies. Probably in the case of high-
ranking or wealthy individuals an elaborate
ceremony accompanied the procession from
the house to the site of burial, although for
Mesopotamia we have little in the way of evi-
dence for the rites involved (in contrast to the
depictions on Egyptian murals).

It is this aspect, the apparent relationship
between the wealth of an individual in death
and his or her wealth and/or status in life,
which has stimulated a renewed interest by
archaeologists in burial practices during the
last quarter century. Once considered only a
basis for (often imaginative) speculations on
religious beliefs, burial data are today widely
studied as evidence of social stratification.
Specialists in the archaeology of ancient
Mesopotamia have on the whole been slow to
make use of mortuary evidence in this way, but
a number of recent studies have laid the
groundwork for what may be a fruitful area of
research in the near future.

See Adapa; animal sacrifice; dead gods;
Dilmun; diseases and medicine; galla; Gil-
gameš; human sacrifice.

dedication

At every period it was considered proper for a
victor in battle to dedicate some of his spoils to
his or his city’s special protective deity. Such
objects usually carry inscriptions to this effect
and became part of the temple’s treasure. Valu-
able ceremonial objects, often of precious
materials, might also be dedicated to a god in
peace time for the ‘life’ of an individual,
especially a ruler, by the individual himself or
by one of his ‘servants’, possibly as a thanks-
giving following illness or some other crisis.

There is not much evidence that objects were
dedicated in connection with vows or pledges
(votive offerings), but small models of e.g. beds
or genitalia, feet or other limbs were probably
dedicated either as thank offerings by those
who believed the solution of their sexual prob-
lems or bodily illnesses to be due to a particular
deity, or as promptings by those hopeful of
achieving cures.

Ancient Mesopotamian society always took
slavery for granted, and an extension of this
was the dedication of certain human beings as
‘belonging’ to the gods. At different periods
this took different forms, with varying social
effects. The dedication in the Old Babylonian
Period of the daughters of wealthy families to a
god and their confinement within a ‘cloister’
did not stop these women engaging in com-
plicated financial transactions, but at least
ensured that their property reverted to their
family on their death (since they were forbid-
den to marry) and so prevented dissipation of
the inheritance. In later Babylonian times the
temple sirkutu (dedicated slaves) was an order
of male and female persons dedicated to Mar-
duk, Nabû, Šamaš (Utu), Nergal or Ištar
(Inana). Parents dedicated their children and
freemen their slaves. They were branded with a
star, spade or wedge.

See priests and priestesses.

deification of kings
The deification of kings during their own life-
time was confined to a limited period of Meso-
potamian history. The first king to become a
living god was Narām-Suen, king of Agade
(reigned 2310-2274 BC) and the practice con-
tinued with the subsequent kings of Agade, of
the Third Dynasty of Ur, and with those of the
dynasties of Isin, Larsa and Babylon down to
Samsu-ditana (reigned 1681-1651 BC). Kings
who were deified claimed to be sons or brothers
of major gods (see Lugalbanda). A cult was
offered to deified kings in temples throughout
their kingdoms, and praise poetry was com-
posed in their honour.

See Sacred Marriage; temples and
temple architecture.

24,129

151

deities: see gods and goddesses.

demons and monsters

In most religions there is a belief in various
kinds of supernatural beings ranking between
the level of gods and men. ‘Demon’, in its
original Greek sense (daimén ‘supernatural
being’, ‘spirit’) serves as an approximate trans-
lation of Akkadian terms like rabisu (Sumerian
maskim), which can refer to, and be qualified
as, a good or bad ‘demon’. In spells of the Neo-
Assyrian Period, we read ‘Get out, evil rabisu!
Come in, good rabisul’

In modern studies of ancient Mesopotamian
art and iconography, however, the term
‘demon’ has generally been applied to any up-
right human-bodied hybrid creature, while
‘monster’ has been applied to an animal combi-
nation on all fours.

Demons only rarely figure in mythology.
The scores of demons whose names are known
to us are mentioned mainly in magical incant-
ations. Generally, ‘evil’ demons seem to have
been conceived as mere agents and executors of
the will of gods; their rôle was to implement
divinely ordained punishment for sin. Such
‘evil’ demons were often imagined as weather
spirits, of the wind or storms. Their usual
method of attacking humans was by inflicting
diseases (but not all illness was thought to be
due to them); there is no evidence for a general
belief in demonic possession. Evil gods and
demons are only very rarely depicted in art,
perhaps because it was thought that their
images might endanger people; in some cases
descriptions of their appearances are so vague
and inconsistent as to suggest they were not
well established. By the first millennium Bc,
however, LamaStu is commonly represented,
usually in connection with incantations against
her, while Pazuzu is even turned to good
purpose, being shown forcing Lamastu back
to the underworld. This change may be re-
lated to a new concept in the first millennium
BC of an underworld populated by demonic
beings. f

A greatly simplified but plausible chron-
ology for the development of demons and mon-

destiny and fate

sters in ancient Mesopotamian art has adopted
a division into five main phases, namely:

(1) a formative phase, in the late Ubaid and
Uruk Periods, when the features of different
animals were first combined into unnatural
composite beings;

(2) an optimistic phase, in the Akkadian
Period, when glyptic scenes show the capture
and punishment of nefarious demons;

G) a balanced phase, in the Old Babylonian
Period, when cylinder seal designs often mix
images (gods, symbols and other motifs) of
good and bad associations with respect to
mankind;

(4) a transformative phase, with Mitannian,
Kassite and Middle Assyrian art of the four-
teenth to eleventh centuries Bc, when the
human-centred imagery of the Old Babylonian
Period gave way to a preponderance of animal-
headed hybrids;

(5) a demonic phase, represented by Neo-
Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian art, when in-
dividual evil demons were depicted in their
full horror.

This last phase of development accords well
with the new theology of a demonically
populated underworld in the first millennium
BC. The change happens, moreover, at the same
time as the advent of the practice of erecting in
palaces and temples monumental statues and
reliefs of magically protective beings, and of
burying small clay images of them in the
foundations. Diverse in cultural background
and original significance, the various gods, de-
mons and monsters involved were brought to-
gether into a fairly restricted visual series at
this time, and for the first time they came to be
treated as a group in mythological narratives.

See galla; good and evil; lama; ‘omega’
symbol; udug.

destiny and fate: see divination; divine inter-
vention; diseases and medicine; me; Nam-
tar; tablet of destinies.

65,78,
99,101,
107,117,
134

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Dilmun

Dilmun (or Telmun) was a Mesopotamian
name for Bahrain and an area of the western
coast of the Gulf (the latter area apparently
called Agaru by the inhabitants of Dilmun
themselves), possibly also including Failaka
and other islands. It became increasingly
important in Mesopotamian trade from the end
of the Early Dynastic Period on.

In the poem ‘Enki and Ninhursaga’, Dilmun
is described as a ‘holy’, ‘virgin’ and ‘pure’ land
without any normal civilisation, human or
animal, or even water supplies. At the request
of his wife-daughter, the goddess Ninsikila
(Ninhursaga), Enki first arranges for Dilmun
to be provided with fresh water and abundant
produce. Then ina series of incestuous unions
a number of gods and goddesses are born,
among them the ‘Lord of Dilmun’ and the
‘Lord of Magan’. Recent work on the geogra-
phy of the Gulf suggests that a number of low
islands may have gradually risen from the
water towards the end of the third millennium,
and it is possible that the myth is connected
with this. The fuller text of the poem now
available shows that Dilmun was not, as was
earlier thought, described as a ‘paradise’ land.

According to another Sumerian poem, after
the Flood the gods settled Ziusura in ‘a
foreign land, the land of Dilmun in the east’.

The idea in some modern literature that
Bahrain was a ‘sepulchral island’ where the
bodies of the wealthy or eminent would be
shipped for burial from the Mesopotamian or
Arabian mainlands has no reliable basis. It
derives from a consideration of the numbers of
Bronze Age burial mounds present on the
island, the apparent lack of corresponding
settlement sites, and the suggestion that certain
tombs, recorded as ‘empty’ by their excavators,
were prepurchased sites awaiting their occu-
pants. In fact, although the low levels of soil
above bedrock necessitated the construction of
above-ground tombs, which makes them ab-
normally visible, the numbers involved (most
recently estimated at some 172,000) are not
excessive for a local population, especially
given the increasing numbers of Bronze Age

settlements now identifiable on the ground,
though little investigated. The supposed
‘empty’ graves can for the most part be
explained by lack of archaeological technique
in the excavation of often disturbed or poorly
preserved burials.

Dilmunite gods

The two principal gods of Dilmun, the god
Inzak and the goddess Meskilak, are referred
to in both Mesopotamian and Dilmunite
sources. Inzak was regarded by the Sumerians
(by whom he was called Enzag) as the chief
god of Dilmun, but in Dilmun itself he was
characterised as a god of Agaru (eastern
Arabia). He probably also had a cult centre on
Failaka island, where the temple seems to have
been dedicated to him. In the Neo-Babylonian
Period he was identified with Naba. A god
called Inzak was also worshipped in Elam, as
one ofa trinity with Ea (Enki) and the Elamite
god InSuSinak.

The name Meskilak, goddess of the city of
Dilmun, must be related to Ninsikila, another
name for Ninhursaga. Nin-Dilmun, ‘lady of
Dilmun’, was probably a title of the same god-
dess. She may have been regarded as either the
wife or mother of Inzak. A Babylonian hymn
refers to a goddess called Suluhitu as wife of
Enzag.

Another goddess was Lahamun, described
as the ‘Sarpanitu of Dilmun’.

Some Mesopotamian gods are referred to in
texts found in Bahrain, including Enki, Dam-
galnuna, Adad (kur) and Marduk. How-
ever, despite Enki’s relationship with Dilmun
in Sumerian myth (probably a result of trading
connections between Sumer and Dilmun from
the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur onwards),
Enki is not explicitly mentioned as a deity of
Dilmun and there are no grounds for sup-
posing that his cult was established there or that
the temple at Barbar on Bahrain was dedicated
to him (as is commonly assumed).

Dingirmah: see mother goddesses and birth
goddesses.

diseases and medicine

sa
OoOo. = p
o ouai =s IA À
+ xan NS A 7 / N

diseases and medicine

Although a practical knowledge of many herbal
remedies, as well as some surgical knowledge,
existed in ancient Mesopotamia, the causes (as
we mean the word) of disease were not under-
stood. They were often ascribed to the work of
gods or of demons acting as the agents of gods
for the punishment of sin. Particular demons
were thought likely to cause specific diseases.
Some diseases were described as, for example,
‘the hand of god’, ‘the hand of a ghost
(gidim)’, ‘the hand of [Star (Inana)’, ‘the hand

55 Nergal, god of the underworld, instructs a
lion-demon in the punishment of a sinner, a
graphic rendering of seizure by disease. Detail
from a cylinder seal of the Old Babylonian
Period.

0000000

1
\

54 Within a reed shelter a priest ministers to a
sick man, while a man and dog stand guard out-
side. From a cylinder seal of the Neo-Assyrian
Period.

of Sama’ (Utu)’, indicating the deity or demon
thought responsible for them. The god or
demon is said to ‘seize’ the victim. In art, a
demon holds a man upside down, or a god
tramples someone under foot. In a Neo-
Assyrian prayer, a sufferer pleads forgiveness
for his unwitting offence of a god or goddess
‘whom IJ know or whom I do not know’. Such
diseases were treated by the exorcist (see
priests and priestesses). Some illnesses
which we should regard as psychological were
referred to as the work of demons; psychologi-
cal illness could also be caused by sorcery (see
magic and sorcery).

In some cases a distinction seems to have
been made between such divine or demonically
originating illness and more ‘naturally’ occur-
ring conditions (although the causes were not
known). For the treatment of the latter type of
diseases a different priest was usually involved,
who practised a primitive form of medicine.
However, the functions of this “general practi-
tioner’ and the exorcist overlapped and were to
some extent interchangeable. If the type of dis-
ease was unclear, both priests would be called
in, and a common complaint was that neither
had been able to effect a cure.

Collections of diagnostic omens give copi-

14,54

divination

ously detailed descriptions of medical symp-
toms, with explanations and prognoses for the
course of the disease. However, these also in-
clude, for instance, omens observed by the
exorcist on his way to treat the patient at his
house.

A degree of primitive surgery was known in
Mesopotamia from a very early period. Among
the skeletons from Shanidar Cave in the Zag-
ros (dating from perhaps 60,000 to 45,000 years
ago) was one of a forty-year-old man with an
atrophied right arm, the lower part of which
had been successfully amputated before his
death in a rock-fall.

Herbal and other mixtures concocted by
the Babylonians included ingredients such as
honey and syrup of dates, as well as varied and
apparently secret substances. These potions
were often given quaint names, such as
‘Samas’s_ remedy’, ‘pigeon droppings’ or
‘snake-skin’. Other medicinal agents included
warm and cold baths, the rubbing of oils into
the body and blood-letting. Mesopotamian
measures of public health control included the
use of parasols for shading from the sun and of
fly-whisks against insects, the provision of
toilet and washing facilities and the construc-
tion of drains for the proper disposal of sewage,
and in battle the use of large trenches for mass
burial. Models of the liver, used for instruction
in divination, were anatomically superior to
later (five-lobed) medieval European models.
One achievement of the Babylonians in the
field of medicine was their recognition of
the transmissibility of leprosy: sufferers were
exiled from the community.

The laws of Hammurabi of Babylon
regulating standards of professional conduct
and fixing medical fees certainly suggest some
sharp practice, but equally confirm the exist-
ence of a profession of medicine, well attested
throughout Mesopotamian history. This re-
futes the claim of the Greek historian Hero-
dotus in the fifth century Bc that the Babylon-
ians had no doctors.

See dogs; galla; ‘hands-of-IStar’; Nergal.
For gods and goddesses of healing, see Damu;
Gula; Ninisina.

divination

Divination was widely used in Mesopotamia. It
is based on the idea that to some extent the
future is pre-determined; but that the gods,
especially Samaš (Utu) and Adad (Iskur), have
made available to man certain indications of
the future (omens or portents) in the world
around him, which can be interpreted
(divined) by experts with specialist knowledge.

Some forms of divination required special
rituals. Particularly important from Sumerian
times was extispicy, in which the liver, lungs or
colon spiral of a specially slaughtered young
ram were inspected for peculiarities during a
nocturnal rite. By the Old Babylonian Period,
extispicy was highly developed and had a com-
plex technical vocabulary. Also used were lec-
anomancy (in which the behaviour of oil on
water was observed) and libanomancy (the
behaviour of smoke from incense). Ne-
cromancy (calling up the spirits of the dead)
was used only rarely and considered to be
dangerous.

Other forms of divination involved the
observation of chance natural occurrences and
these forms gradually became more wide-
spread. The study of celestial omens (astro-
logical and meteorological) came to surpass
even extispicy in popularity and survived until
after the end of Mesopotamian civilisation.
Also important were teratological omens (from
monstrous births among animals), terrestrial
omens (from a whole range of everyday oc-
currences), hemerological and menological
omens (based on the idea of favourable and
unfavourable days), prognostic omens (predic-
ting the course and outcome of diseases),
physiognomic omens (from the appearance and
behaviour of individual people), augury (the
observation of birds, only in later periods) and
oneiromancy (the interpretation of dreams), a
branch of the subject with its own specialised
practitioners.

Diviners had to be descendants of free men
and perfect in body and limb. They were
considered to be as important as physicians
and practitioners of magic. Often they accom-
panied troops on campaign or were attached to

8,56,
104

56 An anatomically detailed
model in baked clay of a
sheep’s liver, probably of Old
Babylonian date. It is covered
with writing giving the
prognostications derived
from signs observed in the
various parts of the organ,
and was probably used as an
aid in teaching divination.
145 X 145mm.

the palace as state functionaries.

Divination could be used to control the
behaviour of kings and important persons.
Extispicy was resorted to by many ordinary
people to investigate the future (often in con-
nection with specific questions). Before mili-
tary campaigns, before building a temple, when
appointing civil servants, in weather forecast-
ing, to ensure the king’s wellbeing and safety —
and also on a much more homely level as a form
of personal fortune-telling — divination played
an important part in decision-making.

See astrology and astronomy; gidim;
priests and priestesses; right and left; river
ordeal.

divine intervention

Although it is a commonplace of certain types
of Sumerian religious literature that the mind
ofa god was unfathomable —‘like a sealed beer-
barrel, who knows what is going on inside?’ — it
was generally accepted that the gods did inter-
vene to some extent in human life. The idea

divine intervention

of a god determining the ‘destiny’ or ‘fate’
(Sumerian nam-tar, Akkadian simtu) of an
individual was more a settling of certain
potentialities than an absolute predestination
of the future. There were certain ‘plans’ or
‘designs’ behind the world, and it was up to
gods, kings and humanity at large to do their
part to ensure the harmonious functioning of
civilisation. Human misfortune and diseases
were often regarded as an indication of divine
displeasure. Behind the theory of divination,
which gradually became more and more com-
plex, lay a desire to extract rather more specific
information in advance about what gods had in
store for mankind. In the myths and legends,
gods and goddesses mingle with heroes and
even mortals, giving them explicit advice
(sometimes even involving them in their inter-
divine disputes) and wielding supernatural
power on their behalf. Rulers were careful to
give credit, where due, to their divine protec-
tors for assistance in battle. Offerings (see
sacrifice and offering) accompanied by re-

155

79,90

dogs

quests or thanks, and parents’ choices of names
for their children, testify to a wide belief in the
power and willingness of the gods to alter the
course of individual human destinies. Indeed
one can say that religious belief in ancient
Mesopotamia would have had no meaning
unless it was accompanied by at least the possi-
bility of divine intervention in mortals’ affairs.
See dreams and visions.

dogs

The sitting dog first occurs as a divine symbol
in the Old Babylonian Period and continues
through to the Neo-Babylonian. Inscriptions
on kudurrus identify it as the symbol of
Gula, goddess of healing. An Old Babylonian
dog figurine from Girsu (modern Tello) is
dedicated (see dedication) to Ninisina (Gula)
and many dog figurines were discovered in the
temple of Gula at Isin, confirming that the
association dates back to that time. That it con-
tinued down to the Neo-Babylonian Period
is shown by another figurine from Sippar
dedicated to Meme (another name for Gula),
while King Nebuchadnezzar II (reigned 604-
562BC) records the placing of statuettes of
gold, silver and bronze dogs as deposits in the
gates of Gula’s temple at Babylon. A dog is

In the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
Periods, the dog, sitting or standing, was also
used as a magically protective figure, not
attached specifically to any individual deity.
Groups of five clay figurines of dogs painted
different colours were prescribed as foundation

deposits for either side ofa gateway. They were 57

inscribed with such gems as ‘Don’t stop to
think, bite!’ Bronze dog figurines are in the
same period usually found in groups of seven
(see numbers). Whether they were magically
protective or dedicatory or served some other
purpose is unclear.

It has been suggested that the disease of
rabies was present in Mesopotamia by the
beginning of the second millennium Bc and
more widespread during the first millennium
BC.

The dog family to the Mesopotamians meant
not only wolves, hyenas, jackals and dogs, but
also lions.

donkey: see LamaStu.
donkey ears

Mesopotamian demons and monsters with
lion’s heads were very often depicted also with

long upright ears, probably those of a donkey. 6,117
The lion-dragon is shown with such ears 100
from the time of its invention in the Akkadian
Period. The lion-demon is depicted with 32,99,
leonine ears in the Akkadian Period, but there- 142
after also acquires the upright ears. The evil

commonly seen on seal designs of this period,
sometimes sitting by an enthroned goddess,
presumably Gula, but also sometimes without
the goddess, sitting and supporting the symbol
of the crook.

57 Five little clay models of dogs. They had been placed in a hollow at the base of a monumental stone
relief on one side of a doorway in the royal palace of the Assyrian king Assurbanipal (reigned
668—c.6278BC) at Nineveh. They are painted in different colours and inscribed in exact conformity to the
prescription of written rituals, which denote their purpose as one of protective magic. Hts. 45-56mm.

151

6,117,
135

138
100

goddess Lamaštu also has such ears when she
is represented in the first millennium Bc. Her
special beast is the donkey. When such crea-
tures were copied in arts outside Mesopotamia
the ears were generally altered to those of a
lion, an interesting example of lack of ‘under-
standing’ of the Mesopotamian convention.
However, in Greek art the griffin retained its
long ears, and these passed into the icono-
graphy of medieval and modern European
griffins and dragons.

The inclusion of an element of the swift-
footed wild ass along with aspects of the fierce
lion in such demonic hybrids might have
seemed an appropriate combination of wild
animals. They frequently also have bird talons
(see bird talons and wings).

See griffin; standards, stavesand sceptres
of the gods.

dragons

Dragon (Greek drakon, ‘serpent’) is the word
usually used in English for a terrifying mythi-
cal monster with a scaly snake-like or lizard-
like body. Belief in such creatures arose in
antiquity without any knowledge of the mon-
strous reptiles and birds that had actually
existed in remote prehistory. Mesopotamian art
includes a number of such dragon-like crea-
tures, of malevolent and beneficent natures.
Most closely corresponding to the general
image is the so-called snake-dragon, but
other hybrids such as the lion-dragon might
also be regarded as dragon-like images.

In Sumerian poetry, usumgal, a serpentine
monster, can be a metaphor for a god or king; it
is a term of praise and not necessarily evil or
unpleasant.

See demons and monsters.

dreams and visions

Since Freud and his successors in psycho-
analysis, dreams have usually been regarded as
the direct or more oblique references of the
subconscious mind to events of the immediate
or more distant past. Throughout antiquity,
however, and indeed until the late nineteenth
century AD, dreams were normally regarded as

dreams and visions

portents of future events, and thus were studied
as a branch of divination.

The importance attached to dreams can be
seen, for example, in the number of dream
episodes related in the stories of Gilgameš,
in both the Sumerian and Akkadian versions.
Here they are used as a literary device to open a
window upon subsequent events and, by their
consequent effects upon the protagonists, as a
catalyst for moving the story on. In the Stan-
dard Babylonian version of the epic, Gilgameš
has two dreams presaging, through symbolism,
the arrival of Enkidu (see Ninsun). He has a
series ofthree dreams concerning the projected
campaign against Humbaba (Huwawa). Then
there is Enkidu’s ‘death-dream’ and a dream of
Ut-napi8ti (Ziusura). For Enkidu’s ‘death-
dream’, the Hittite version apparently sub-
stituted a dream of his visiting the assembly of
the gods. The Anatolian version of the epic
also recounts a dream of Gilgame$ presaging
his struggle with the Bull of Heaven.

As a means of glimpsing the future, rulers
took their dreams very seriously. Gudea, ruler
of Lagaš, recounts a dream in which he was
instructed to rebuild the temple of Ningirsu.
The Assyrian king Assurbanipal (reigned
668-c.627 BC), when apparently in a desperate
military position, tells of a dream in which the
goddess Ištar (Inana) appeared to encourage
him and to assure him that she would defeat the
enemy on his behalf. The appearance of the
goddess before the king was also seen in a
dream of a priest of Ištar’s temple. No dream
episodes are related in the Assyrian royal
annals before Assurbanipal’s reign. Yet is
seems that their portents were earlier con-
sidered significant, because at Imgur-Enlil
(modern Balawat) Assurnasirpal II (reigned
883-859 BC) had built a temple to Mamu,
possibly identical with the god of dreams.
Archaeological excavations have unearthed a
set of doors of the temple, which were decor-
ated with bands of bronze depicting scenes
from the king’s campaigns. (Other similar sets
of doors, of Assurnasirpal and his son and suc-
cessor Shalmaneser III, were found in the
neighbouring palaces.) Imgur-Enlil was close

Du-ku

to the capital city Kalhu (modern Nimrud), and
may have been the usual place of the first
night’s rest at the start of a campaign. Here, we
guess, the king would hope for dreams porten-
ding the outcome of the coming battles. From
another site (ancient Huzirina, in Turkey) we
have a fragment of a poem, rather in the epic
style, which relates a dream of Shalmaneser III
(reigned 8s8—824 BC) about the course of one
of his campaigns.

If they were related in some way to the revel-
ation of future events, dreams could also be a
means of seeing into other worlds. Since death
is the future for all men, there were dreams of
the afterlife. Enkidu’s death-dream is an
example. There is also an account of a dream of
an Assyrian prince (thought by some to be
Assurbanipal at a time before he became king)
in which he visits the underworld and con-
templates the horrors of the demonic creatures
residing there. That Enkidu was able to have a
dream of the gods resolving his fate shows that
heaven as well as hell could be seen through
dreams.

A compilation of dream omens has survived.
In it are collected a host of dream scenarios,
together with prognostications. The predic-
tions seem to be based upon precedent. That
is to say that the recorded subjects of the
dreams represent actual dreams reported by
individuals, while the prognostications record
the events that subsequently took place in the
lives of the respective dreamers. Occasionally
alternative predictions are offered, presumably
based upon the reports of similar dreams with
differing sequels. The array of dream subjects
listed is itself of interest: they include episodes
of daily work, of journeys near and far, of
family matters and sexual acts, encounters with
other people, animals and deities.

There were specialised dream-interpreters
(see priests and priestesses).

See Gatumdug; GeStinana; Nanie; ‘plant
of life’.

Du-ku’

In Sumerian mythology, the Du-ku (holy
hil? or ‘holy mound’) is a cosmic locality

situated ‘on the mountain of heaven and earth’.
It is where the gods determined the destinies,
and has therefore been interpreted as a ‘world
mountain’ where the Anuna gods lived in pri-
mordial times and where elements of human
culture (agriculture, animal husbandry, weav-
ing, etc.) first came into being. Itis described as
the home of sheep and grain, and is punningly
referred to as the ‘holy lap’ (du ku) of Enlil. An
alternative interpretation sees it, more pros-
aically, as the foothills of the Zagros moun-
tains, whose fertile climate may in a very real
sense have contributed to the development of
human civilisation. Most likely the phrase
‘mountain of heaven and earth’ is intended to
imply the world at the time before heaven and
earth were separated from each other (see
cosmology).

Du-ku was also the name of shrines at
Girsu, Nippur and Eridu, earthly counterparts
of the cosmic Du-ku.

Dumuzi

The god Dumuzi is a shepherd god. In a dis-
putation with Enkimdu, the god of irrigation
and cultivation, Dumuzi represents the con-
flicting interests of the pastoralist. When
Inana visits the underworld, and cannot
return without a substitute to take her place,
demons come to fetch her beloved young hus-
band Dumuzi to replace her. In this way
Dumuzi died and became a god of the under-
world. In the Sacred Marriage, in which
Sumerian kings were ritually married to Inana,
the king was identified with Dumuzi. In
another tradition, Dumuzi and NingiSzida are
represented as the gatekeepers of the Heaven of
Anu (An).

The early history of the various local cults of
Dumuzi and related deities is complex and
bewildering. The Dumuzi worshipped at Bad-
tibira was later thought to have been an ante-
diluvian king of the town (described as ‘a shep-
herd’). The Dumuzi worshipped at Uruk as the
husband of Inana was connected with nearby
Kuara and was also, in one account, thought
to have been an early king of Uruk. The
god Ama-uSumgal-ana, later identified with

Dumuzi, was originally worshipped at a village
near Lagaš and in one cult song is described as
a warrior hero. In some Sumerian poetry,
Dumuzi is also referred to as ‘my Damu’.

‘Tammuz, mentioned in the Biblical book of
Ezekiel (8:14), is a Hebrew form of the name.

Ritual lamentation for the death of Dumuzi
seems to have been widespread. In Early Dyn-
astic Lagaš the sixth month of the year was
named after the festival of Dumuzi, and in a
later north Mesopotamian calendar one of the
months is called Dumuzi. The fourth month of
the Standard Babylonian calendar was called
Dwizu or Dizu, and Tammuz is still used in
Iraqi Arabic as the name for July.

‘The god Dumuzi and the stories concerning
him do not seem to be depicted in Meso-
potamian art.

See dead gods; galla; GeStinana; stylised
tree and its ‘rituals’.

Dumu-zi-abzu

A local goddess of the village Kinunir near
Lagaš. Although her name (which possibly
means ‘good child of the abzu’) was sometimes
abbreviated to Dumu-zi, she has no obvious
connection with the god Dumuzi.

Duttur: see Ge&tinana.

dwarf

Persons of arrested growth have in many soci-
eties been the butt of humour, often employed
as entertainers and fools. We know that dwarfs
were kept as curiosities in Egyptian house-
holds. For Mesopotamia there is no evidence of
such a practice, but on southern Mesopotamian

58 The bow-legged dwarf
as depicted on cylinder
seals of the Isin-Larsa
Period.

E-gal-mah

seals of the nineteenth century Bc a dwarfish
figure with bow legs is a common motif. He has
variously been interpreted as a dancer in rituals
or entertainments, or as a type of demon, per-
haps a prankster or a protective spirit. The
figure may be related to the grotesque Egyptian
dwarf god Bes, whose form was known in
Mesopotamia and other areas of the ancient
Near East.

Ea: see Enki.

E-abzu

E-abzu (‘Abzu House’) was the temple of Enki
at Eridu. According to Sumerian tradition,
Eridu was the first city and the E-abzu the old-
est shrine. Excavations conducted at the site,
Abu Shahrain in southern Iraq, have un-
covered a long sequence of superimposed
temples beginning probably in the fifth millen-
nium BC and demonstrating gradual elabora-
tion of temple construction.

See temples and temple architecture.

E-ana
E-ana (‘House of Heaven’) is the name given to
the temple at Uruk dedicated to the goddess
Inana. The city had been built, according to
tradition, by the Seven Sages and Gilgameš.
The temenos or sacred enclosure of E-ana, as
known from excavations, was constructed over
a long period of time by a number of different
rulers, including Ur-Nammu (reigned 2168—
2151 BC), first king of the Third Dynasty of Ur.
Subsequently, Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian and
Achaemenid Persian rulers (including Cyrus
and Darius) had building programmes in this
area.

See sacrifice and offering; temples and
temple architecture.

ear of corn: see barley stalk.
earth: see Ki.

E-gal-mah: see Gula.

155

Egyptian gods and symbols

Egyptian religious concepts and the pantheon
seem to have penetrated Mesopotamian culture
remarkably little given the geographical prox-
imity. Egyptian ideas about death and the
afterlife, cosmology and the nature and form of
the gods (in Egypt often in animal form) were
so alien to Mesopotamian concepts that they
could not easily be assimilated, nor did politi-
cal or cultural circumstances ever require such
assimilation. Of Egyptian gods, only the dwarf
god Bes — or at least his physical form — was
adopted widely throughout the ancient Near
East.

The symbol of the winged disc derives
originally, in all probability, from Egypt, but
appears to have arrived in Mesopotamia in-
directly, and to have been assimilated because
of its close similarity to the pre-existing solar
disc.

Only two other Egyptian symbols appear
before the Neo-Assyrian Period. The djed-
pillar, Egyptian sign for ‘duration’, is found on
a few Syrian cylinder seals of the eighteenth
and seventeenth centuries BC. The motif
appears to be used as a decorative element,
devoid of its original meaning.

More common on Syrian seals from about
1800 BC onwards, but very rare in Mesopotamia
proper, is the ankh symbol, in Egypt the
emblem of life. Usually it is used as a ‘filling
motif’, but it can be carried by a goddess, or

lll

59 The Egyptian symbols ankh and djed, as
known from the designs of some Syrian seals.

used in sequence to create a composite element,
such as an arch composed of rows of ankhs, in a
superficially Egyptian but inauthentic style.
In the ninth to seventh centuries Bc, the
Assyrian aristocracy seems to have cultivated
some taste for Egyptian artwork, and palaces
might contain furniture carved, panelled or in-
laid with Egyptian or Egyptianising designs.

E-kig-nu-gal: see Nanna-Suen.

E-kur
The E-kur (“Mountain House’: see kur) was
the name of Enlil’s temple at Nippur, also in-
corporating the E-ki-ur, the shrine of Ninlil.
According to a Sumerian poem, it was founded
and built by the god Enlil himself. The E-kur
was sometimes described as having a cosmo-
logical rdle as the ‘mooring-rope’ of heaven
and earth. Adjacent to it stood the ziggurat
Dur-an-ki (“Bond of heaven and earth’: see
cosmology), which was originally built by Ur-
Nammu (reigned 2168-2151 BC), founder of
the Third Dynasty of Ur. It is described in
some detail in a hymn from the reign of Ur-
Nammu, in which the mythological scenes on
its gates are enumerated: Imdugud kills a lion,
while an eagle seizes a wrongdoer.

See assembly of the gods; Nungal; snake
gods; temples and temple architecture.

Elamite gods

A number of gods belonging to the pantheon of
Elam, a country lying to the south-east of
Babylonia (in modern Iran), are mentioned in
Mesopotamian texts. These include:

Pienenkir, later called Kiriri8a (‘Great God-
dess’), a mother goddess;

Humbaan, later called Napiri8a (‘Great God’), a
sky god (see Huwawa);

Hutran, son of Kiririga and Napiri8a;

InguSinak, god of the city of Susa, later a god of
the underworld;

Lagamal and ISmekarab, goddesses, judges of
the dead;

Nahhunte, sun god and god of justice;

Ruhurater, KilahSupir, Tirutir, local gods;
Napir (?), moon god;
SiyaSum, Narunte, Niarzina, goddesses and

sisters of Kiriri$a, also called sisters of the
Sebittu (the Seven (gods));

Simut, a herald god, and his wife Manz&t (see
rainbow).

Most of the Mesopotamian gods were also
honoured in Elam.

E-mah: see Ninhursaga; Sara.

E-meslam: see Nergal.

E-mete-ursag: see Zababa.

Enbilulu: see Enkimdu.

engur: see abzu; Enki’s creatures.

E-ninnu: see Ningirsu.

Enki (Ea)

Enki (Akkadian Ea) was god of the subter-
ranean freshwater ocean (abzu), and was
especially associated with wisdom, magic and

incantations, and with the arts and crafts of
civilisation. He is sometimes called by the

60 The water god Ea and his two-faced minister
god Usmi. Detail from the cylinder seal of a
scribe named Adda, Akkadian Period.

Enki

names Nudimmud or Ningiku or by the title
‘Stag of the abzu’, i.e. the giant fallow deer
Dama dama mesopotamica. Enki/Ea was a son of
An/Anu, or else of the goddess Nammu, and
a twin brother of the god ISkur/Adad. His
wife was Damgalnuna/Damkina, and their
offspring included the gods Marduk, Asar-
luhi, Enbilulu, the sage Adapa and the god-
dess NanSe. His minister was the two-faced
god Isimud/Usmi. This Enki (whose name is
Enkig in full) is not the same as Enlil’s ances-
tor Enki (Lord Earth’).

Enki’s most important cult centre was the
E-abzu (‘Abzu House’) at Eridu. As a provider
of fresh water and a creator god (see creation)
and determiner of destinies, Enki was always
seen as favourable to mankind. In the epics of
Atra-hasis and Gilgame§, especially, he takes
the part of man against the gods and helps
mankind to escape the Flood sent by the de-
cision of the other gods. In the Sumerian poem
‘Inana and Enki’ he controls the me con-
cerned with every aspect of human life, and in
‘Enki and the World Order’ he has the rôle of
organising in detail every feature of the
civilised world.

In art Enki is represented as a seated god
with long beard, wearing a cap with many
horns and a long, pleated robe. Streams of
water flow from his arms to the ground, some-
times with little fish swimming along the flow.
Often the god is shown receiving worshippers
or bearers of offerings, or else he receives the
bird-man, brought before him as a prisoner
under guard, or the lion-demon. These might
be introduced by other gods, most commonly
by Enki’s minister Isimud. Sometimes Enki is
shown seated within a structure, the abzu, or
else his E-abzu shrine, surrounded by chan-
nels of water.

In the symbolism of the Kassite, Babylonian
and Assyrian Periods, Ea’s beast was the goat-
fish. The god’s other symbols were a curved
stick terminating in a ram’s head (see stan-
dards, staves and sceptres of the gods) anda
turtle.

See Enki’s creatures; horned cap; Nin-
hursaga; ring-post; river ordeal; wedge.

41,69

Enkidu

Enkidu
In Sumerian poems, Enkidu is usually the ser-
vant and fellow-traveller of Gilgame%. In the
Akkadian epic he is the hero’s friend and equal
companion.
For the tales of his life, exploits and death,
and for representations in art, see Gilgameš.
See afterlife; Bull of Heaven; Huwawa;
underworld.

Enkimdu

The god Enkimdu is ‘lord of dike and canal’
or, in the disputation between him and the
shepherd god Dumuzi, ‘of dike, canal and
furrow; cultivator’. A son of Enki, he is closely
identified with the god Enbilulu, the ‘canal in-
spector’, regarded as a form of Adad (Iskur)
or, in the Babylonian Epic of Creation, as one
of the names of Marduk. A third god, Ennugi,
is also ‘lord of dike and canal’ and ‘canal in-
spector of the great gods’, but has extra associ-
ations with the underworld.

Enki’s creatures

As well as by his minister Isimud, the god
Enki is served by a number of creatures who
inhabit the watery depths of the abzu. First
come the enkum (male) and ninkum (female).
Enki sends them after Inana’s boat when he
realises that she has stolen the me from him.
Next are the ‘fifty giants of Eridu’, then the
‘fifty lahama of the engur’. (Engur is a synonym
of abzu.) In the poem “The Cursing of Agade’,
the /ahama are protective figures standing in
the great gateway of a temple. Then come the
‘great fishes ...’ and the ‘guardians of Uruk’,
difficult to understand in the context of Enki
and Eridu. Finally in the hymn addressed to
the temple of Asarluhi at Kuara, the ‘seven
abgal (Seven Sages)’ are also included.

The terms enkum and ninkum are also the
names of temple dignitaries at Eridu, purifica-
tory priests on the temple staff. Similarly abga/
is also the name of a temple official among the
clergy of Eridu.

In the Sumerian poem ‘Enki and Ninmah’,
another group of creatures, the sig-en-sig-du,
help Ninmah to create mankind by preparing

pieces of clay from ‘above the abzw (see
creation).

Enlil (Ellil)

Enlil (Akkadian Ellil) is one of the most
important gods in the Mesopotamian pan-
theon. According to one Sumerian poem, the
other gods might not even look upon his splen-
dour. Sometimes he is said to be the offspring
of An, and brother of the goddess Aruru (see
mother goddesses and birth goddesses). He
is also described as a descendant of Enki and
Ninki (Lord and Lady Earth’), not connected
with the god Enki. His wife is Ninlil (or Sud).
Among the children of Enlil are the goddess
Inana and the gods Adad (Iškur), Nanna-
Suen, Nergal, Ninurta/Ningirsu, Pabilsag,
Nusku, Utu (Šamaš), Ura’, Zababa and
Ennugi. Nusku is Enlil’s minister.

The great centre of the cult of Enlil was the
temple E-kur (the ‘Mountain House’) at Nip-
pur, at the northern edge of Sumer, and Enlil is
often called the ‘Great Mountain’ and ‘King of
the Foreign Lands’, which may suggest a con-
nection with the Zagros mountains. Other
images used to describe his personality are
king, supreme lord, father and creator; ‘raging
storm’ and ‘wild bull’; and, interestingly,
‘merchant’. He is also called sometimes by the
name Nunamnir. Although he is in one text
referred to as East Wind and North Wind,
there is no evidence to connect the name Ellil
with the #la/HIQ or desert wind demon (see
Lilitu). The Kassites worshipped Ellil at their
capital Dur-Kurigalzu (modern ‘Agar Quf).

Astrologically, Ellil was associated with the
constellation Bootes.

In Neo-Assyrian art Ellil is symbolised by a
horned cap.

See AsSur; Nusku; snake-dragon; tablet
of destinies.

EnmeSarra

Enme%arra is a god connected with the under-
world. The sussuru (a type of pigeon) was
associated with him. Seven (or sometimes
eight) minor deities were regarded as his
children.

10,80

In an incantation EnmeSarra and Nin-
meSarra, his female counterpart, are described
as ancestors of the god Enlil, and they were
apparently regarded as primeval deities.

See Seven (gods).

Ennugi
Ennugi is the god who has special care over
dikes and canals, and he is called the ‘canal
inspector of the great gods’. He is regarded as
a son of Enlil, or else of EnmeSarra; and his
wife is the goddess Nanibgal. He may be iden-
tical to Gugal-ana, first husband of Ereskigal.
He is also associated with the underworld.
See Enkimdu.

Enzag

Enzag is one of the gods created by the union of
Enki and NinhursagZa. In the Sumerian poem
‘Enki and Ninhursaga’, Enki has eaten eight
plants which grew from his semen spilt on the
thighs of his daughter Uttu, and has become ill
in various parts of his body. As a result of their
union, Ninhursaga gives birth one after
another to eight divinities. One of these is
Enzag, ‘lord of Dilmun’. In a later text, Enzag
is called the ‘Nabû of Dilmun’.

See Dilmunite gods.

Ereškigal

Ereškigal, whose name can be translated
‘Queen of the Great Below’, is also known in
Akkadian as Allatu. She is the goddess who
rules the underworld, mother of the goddess
Nungal and, by Enlil, ofthe god Namtar, who
serves as her messenger and minister. Ere’-
kigal’s first husband was the god Gugal-ana,
whose name probably originally meant ‘canal
inspector of An’ and who may therefore have
been identical with Ennugi. In the Sumerian
poem ‘Inana’s Descent to the Underworld’,
Inana tries to gain entry to the underworld by
claiming that she has come to attend the funeral
rites of Gugal-ana, the ‘husband of my elder
sister Ereškigaľ. The son of Ereškigal and
Gugal-ana was the god Ninazu. In another
tradition, Ereškigal married the god Nergal,
as related in the poem ‘Nergal and EreSkigal’.

Esagil

EreSkigal lived in a palace located at Ganzir,
the doorway to the underworld, protected by
seven gates, all of which could be bolted and
each of which was guarded by a porter.

See GeStinana.

Eridu

Eridu was a city on the south-western edge of
Mesopotamia, sacred to the god Enki, and
believed by the Sumerians to be the first city
and to be at least 250,000 years old! Excavations
have revealed that the site (now called Abu
Shahrain) is very ancient indeed, but in his-
torical times Eridu consisted of little more than
the temple buildings and sacred precincts.
Originally the marshes came close to Eridu,
and fish offerings were regularly made to the
god (see sacrifice and offering). The temple of
Enki, known as the E-abzu (‘Abzu House’) or
E-engura (House of the engur (another word
for abzu)), was an extremely important shrine,
which was ritually ‘visited’ (see journeys and
processions of the gods) by other gods travel-
ling in their boats (see boats of the gods). Its
gates were guarded in Sumerian times by two
great stone lions, one of which was excavated
almost intact and now stands in the Iraq
Museum, Baghdad.

Sometimes in incantation rituals (see magic
and sorcery), the magician is told ‘Now you
cast the Spell of Eridu’, although we never
learn what the Spell of Eridu was — possibly it
was a secret formula that was transmitted
orally. Enki, of course, was closely involved
with magic.

See Adapa; altars; Seven Sages; temples
and temple architecture.

Erra: see Nergal.
Erua: see Sarpanitu.

Esagil

Esagil, the ‘Lofty House’, is the name of the
temple of Marduk at Babylon. It stood on the
Processional Way adjacent to a very large
enclosure incorporating the ziggurat E-
temen-an-ki (see Tower of Babel), with

E-šu-me-ša

shrines dedicated to a number of gods. The
principal shrines were those of Marduk and his
wife Sarpanitu. The templeprecinctmeasured
about 500 metres square. Esagil was already in
existence in Old Babylonian times but was
considerably rebuilt by Nebuchadnezzar II
(reigned 604-562BC). The incredible wealth
of the temple was mentioned by the Greek his-
torian Herodotus, who described Babylon in
the fifth century Bc. The ziggurat was in ruins
by the time of Alexander the Great, but he died
at Babylon before he could rebuild it.

Sometimes in the cult of Marduk, Esagil was
accorded cosmic significance as the ‘mooring
post of heaven and earth’. It is represented in
this way in the Babylonian Epic of Creation,
where the creation of Esagil itself is an impor-
tant stage in Marduk’s arrangement of the
world.

See temples and temple architecture.

E-Su-me-Sa: see Ninurta.

Etana

According to the Sumerian King List, after the
Flood, hegemony over Sumer fell to the city of
Kiš and the kings of its First Dynasty. One of
these kings was named Etana, ‘a shepherd who
ascended to heaven’.

What could so easily have been a tantalising
hint at a story is fortunately filled out for us by
Babylonian poems recording the legend. The
tale begins as a fable. The serpent and the eagle

61 The legendary King Etana of Kiš riding the
eagle. Detail from a cylinder seal of the Akkadian
Period.

lived peaceably together ina tree, until one day
the eagle gobbled up the serpent’s young. The
serpent went crying to Sama’ (Utu) who sug-
gested a course of action. Concealed in the
belly of a dead ox, the serpent lay in wait for the
eagle to come to eat from the carcass. He then
wrought a terrible revenge, catching the bird,
breaking his ‘heel’, plucking him and hurling
him into a deep pit.

Etana meanwhile had his own problems.
Being childless, he was in search of ‘the plant
of giving birth’ (a fertility drug?) which grew
only in the heavens (see ‘plant of life’). Šamaš
counselled him to rescue and befriend the
eagle and to make use of him in flight. Etana
followed this advice and the eagle carried him
on his back, soaring the skies. As the earth
began to disappear from view, Etana lost his
nerve. On this cliffhanger the extant text
becomes fragmentary. We may assume, per-
haps, that Etana was rescued and probably that
he acquired the fertility plant. According to the
Sumerian King List, he lived a respectable
1,560 years and had a son and successor named
Balih.

Cylinder seals especially of the Akkadian
Period commonly depict scenes of a man flying
on the back of an eagle, which may plausibly be
interpreted as representations of a version of
Etana’s bird-borne journey.

See Gilgameš.

E-temen-an-ki: see Tower of Babel.
etemmu: see gidim.
extispicy: see divination.

eye and eye-idols

The image of an eye was always a powerful
amulet in Mesopotamia. In the precincts of the
so-called ‘Eye Temple’ at Tell Brak in north-
eastern Syria, dated to the Late Uruk Period,
excavators have found thousands of little
“eye-idols’, schematised humanoid figures
fashioned from alabaster, limestone, soapstone
and black burnished clay. In their most simple
form they have a flat body with an elongated

62 A selection of various
Hts. c.60—110mm.

eyes and eye-idols

‘eye-idols’ from the early historic Eye Temple at Tell Brak.

‘eyes-of-Ningal’

neck supporting a pair of wide eyes, infilled
with black or green paint. Some examples have
three eyes, or two pairs of eyes one above the
other. It has been suggested that the temple was
dedicated to an eye god, whose image would
originally have stood upon the pedestal in
the shrine. Occasionally these idols are rep-
resented as ‘embracing’ a child, so that an
alternative view would prefer to see them as
offerings to an all-seeing mother goddess.

An emphasis on the eyes, however, seems to
have been a more general sign of extreme ‘holi-
ness’, for statuettes deposited in the shrine ofa
Sumerian temple at ESnunna (the so-called
‘Square Temple’), surely representing wor-
shippers rather than gods, look with abnor-
mally large eyes and wide stares as if into some
other world.

The eye is a recurrent motif in art from the
Early Dynastic to the Neo-Assyrian Period,
although it is not easy to decide when it had a
purely decorative and when a magical func-
tion. In the case of eye-shaped amulets and
pendants, religious overtones are more cer-
tainly apparent.

See rhomb.

‘eyes-of-Ningal’

Models of eyes cut in semi-precious stones are
known from Sumerian down to Neo-Assyrian
times. These include a pair of eyes carved from
a lump of onyx and dedicated by an early king
of Babylon to the goddess Ningal (see dedi-
cation). This item was later plundered by
the Assyrians and rededicated to the same
goddess, in Assyria, some ten centuries later.
Because other models of eyes were dedicated to
this deity, they are generally referred to by
archaeologists as ‘eyes-of-Ningal’, but such
models were also dedicated to other deities.

Ezida

Ezida (probably ‘Righteous House’) is the
name of temples of the god Nabi. Originally
the name referred to the temple at Borsippa,
just south of Babylon, where Nabû was wor-
shipped from the Old Babylonian Period. It
was from this temple that Nabû came to ‘visi?

his father Marduk during the annual Baby-
lonian New Year ceremonies. When Nabi
was adopted as a popular god in Assyria also, a
temple to him was built on the acropolis of the
Assyrian royal capital Kalhu (modern Nim-
rud). It is known that the Assyrian king Assur-
nasirpal II refounded this Ezida in 879 Bc. An
extensive library of cuneiform tablets was kept
in the Ezida at Kalhu, in a room across the
courtyard from the twin shrines of Nabû and
his wife TaSmétu.
See temples and temple architecture.

fan: see Bau.

fertility

Although the all-embracing ‘fertility cult’
aspects of Mesopotamian myth and religion
have certainly been exaggerated as a result of

63 A fertility god, from a monumental stone re-
lief discovered next to a well within the temple of
the god Aššur in the city of A&Sur. Probably it
dates to the second half of the second millennium
Bc. Ht.1.36m.

17,63,
114,115,
153

29,121

129

fr., 8,
9,11,
12,33,
40,57,
64,70,
85,109
112, 116,
118,120

the anthropological climate of the 1950s and
1960s, when there was a tendency to see fer-
tility rites in almost every aspect of ancient (and
‘primitive’ modern) religions, there is no doubt
that agriculture and the productivity of the
land was of fundamental importance in much
of Mesopotamian life, and that this was re-
inforced by religious belief and ritual. This is
well demonstrated by the importance placed on
the cult of Dumuzi, and pictorially by the
place given to water symbolism with such re-
current motifs as the vase with streams and
certain agricultural elements such as the fan of
Bau, barley stalk, plough and spade (sym-
bol). The abundance of the land was thought to
be dependent upon the wellbeing of the gods
and upon the life and health of the ruler. Neo-
Assyrian prayers and incantations for the life
of the king make clear a belief in a causal con-
nection between the ruler’s personal health and
the wellbeing of the state, including the con-
dition of agriculture. The ritual for the sub-
stitute king and queen (see human sacrifice)
was intended to save the life of the king and
probably, thereby, that of the whole com-
munity. Human sexual intercourse is depicted,
notably on baked clay plaques and model beds
of the Isin-Larsa/Old Babylonian Period and
by Middle Assyrian lead figurines from the
temple of Ištar (Inana) at Aššur. The latter
appear to show intercourse taking place on an
altar (see prostitution and ritual sex).

The Sacred Marriage seems to have been a
rite related to fertility.

See mother goddesses and birth god-
desses; nude woman; Serida.

‘Figure with Mace’: see mace.

figurines

Figurines or statuettes (including plaques)
were made in almost every period of ancient
Mesopotamia. Most of those that survive are of
clay, but there are also examples of stone and
metal (including gold, silver and copper or
bronze), while incantations and descriptions of
rituals refer to the fashioning of figurines also
of perishable materials, such as wood (especi-

figurines

64 Ubaid Period (fifth millennium Bc) male and
female baked clay figurines, from Eridu and Ur
respectively. Hts. 137, 152m.

ally tamarisk), dough (see flour), bitumen and
wax.

No single purpose can be ascribed to the use
of figurines. Some of the human and animal
figures may possibly have been children’s toys.
When found in graves they may sometimes
serve as attendants upon the dead, substitutes
for human and animal victims (see animal
sacrifice; human sacrifice). Others again were
dedicated to gods (see dedication): in all prob-
ability human figures normally represented the
worshippers, while figures of gods and animals
(such as the statuettes of dogs found in the
temple of Gula at Isin) symbolised the deities
concerned (see beasts of the gods). It is
sometimes unclear whether anthropomorphic

figures represented deities or persons, as with `

figures of the nude woman. Human figurines
fashioned of dough or wax were used to

118

9,11,
12,40,
57,136

pak:

124,129

filling motifs’

represent the witch in rituals to counteract sor-
cery. These figurines were destroyed as part of
the rites (see magic and sorcery).

The Neo-Sumerian metal figures of ‘basket-
bearers' are thought to represent the ruler
engaged in ritual labour in connection with a
new building. In a different type of building
ritual of the Neo-Assyrian Period, magically
protective figurines of clay and wood rep-
resented various minor gods and beneficent
demons and monsters. These were buried or
placed in the rooms. In many of these cases, the
efficacy of the figurines depended upon the
supposed localisation of the power of a super-
natural being within the figurine itself (a paral-
lel to the procedure concerning the preparation
of cult statues).

Certain figurines and plaques had very
specific functions in particular rituals. Among
these were those used to exorcise LamaStu.
Others were used to restore potency, possibly
including the scenes of sexual intercourse and
the models of human sexual organs, the latter
particularly associated with the cult of [Star
(Inana) (see prostitution and ritual sex).
Models of other parts of the body, such as feet,
are also known, and were possibly offerings
made in connection with specific ailments.

See creation; eye and eye-idols; fish-
garbed figure; ëipar; ‘hands of Ištar’;
Huwawa; magic circle; mother goddesses
and birth goddesses; wrestlers.

‘filling motifs’

The various smaller figures, animals, symbols
and other elements found surrounding the
principal scenes in Mesopotamian art, especi-
ally on seals, are generally referred to as
‘fillers’ or ‘filling motifs’. Certain scholars,
however, regard this term as inappropriate: the
combinations of such elements, they believe,
are almost always deliberate and have a
magical, thematic and iconographic relevance
to the figurations of the main scene.

See, for example, fish; fly.

fire: see Gibil; sum; magic and sorcery;
Nusku.

fish

Fish offerings were made in Mesopotamia from
early times (see sacrifice and offering). The
fresh water of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers,
which was believed to well up from the abzu,
teems with fish, mostly species of carp, and it
was natural for the fish to become associated
with the water god Enki. Since he was a wise
god, the fish also symbolised wisdom.

On seals, especially of Old Babylonian date,
the image of the fish is often placed (as a so-
called ‘filling motif”) close to figures and ele-
ments of ill omen for mankind, such as gods
and demons attacking men. It may be that in
such contexts the fish was intended to give a
certain balance, as a sign of beneficence, to
malevolent forces. Neo-Assyrian cylinder seals
show fish offerings on tables, perhaps altars.

When the Assyrian king Sennacherib
(reigned 704-681 BC) made an offering to Ea

(Enki) of a golden boat, he also cast into the sea .

a pair of objects of gold, one of which was the
model of a fish.

See fish-garbed figure; goat-fish; lion-
fish; merman and mermaid; vase with
streams.

fish-garbed figure
The term is used to refer to a bearded human-
bodied figure with, above the human face, a
fish-head drawn over the scalp, and the full
body ofa fish hanging down the back, complete
with caudal and dorsal fins. The type first
occurs in the art of the Kassite Period, after
which it passed to Assyria, becoming popular
in the art of the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian Periods. From Assyrian palace
sculpture the figure was copied in the early
Persian Period. A similar figure, perhaps the
Oannes of Berossos, was known in Seleucid
times. In the fourteenth to tenth centuries Bc,
the figure was depicted with a fish-skin
reaching to the ground. In the ninth century
this was shortened to a cape terminating in a
fish-tail just below the man’s waist. From the
eighth century, however, there was a reversion
to the longer form.

From representations on magical plaques,

151

19, 60

18, 82,
108

65 A human-looking figure dressed in the skin
of a fish and holding a bucket and (originally) a
cone. Drawn from a monumental stone relief,
one of a pair flanking a doorway of the temple of
the god Ninurta at the Assyrian city of Kalhu
(modern Nimrud), where they had been erected
‘during the reign of King Assurnasirpal 1
(reigned 883-859 Bc). Drawn by the
archaeologist Sir Austen Henry Layard, who
conducted excavations at the site in the mid-rgth
century.

Flood

where a pair of fish-garbed figures is shown
flanking the bed of a sick man, the figures of
this type have been interpreted by some as
exorcist priests, dressed in the bodies of fish or
in costumes imitative of them (see animal
skins). The presence of the type at doorways in
Assyrian palace and temple sculpture, how-
ever, demonstrates the magically protective
nature of the figure. So does the discovery of
figurines of the creature buried under the
floors of buildings. Texts concerning the ritu-
als for making such images and placing them
about the house identify the type as a form of
apkallu ‘sage’. The rituals prescribe figurines
of this type to be buried in groups of seven (see
numbers); those examples that have been
found intact conform to this. Though perhaps
sometimes imitated by priests, the being must
in essence be a supernatural creature, an ante-
diluvian sage whose traditions are reflected in
the myths of the Seven Sages.
See bucket and cone.

fish-man and fish-woman: see merman and
mermaid.

Flood

Both great rivers of Mesopotamia, the Tigris
and the Euphrates, are prone to flood when
swollen by the spring rains and the snow-melt.
The Tigris especially can rise during the
period February to May and cause destructive
floods of immense proportions over a very wide
area of the flat alluvial plain. These sudden,
violent floods were a frequent feature of life in
southern Mesopotamia until flood-control
engineering in the 1950s. Archaeological ex-
cavations have revealed evidence of several ex-
tensive floods at various sites and at different
periods.

So it was natural for floods to be a powerful
literary image, and the destructive inundation
was a favourite metaphor for the destructive
power ofa deity. Nor is it surprising that Meso-
potamian mythology should include legends of
one great Flood accompanied by torrential
rainstorms that was more extensive than any

151

104

flour

66 A view of the marshlands in the far south of
Mesopotamia, in present-day Iraq.

other ~ that covered the whole world, in fact.
The Sumerian King List gives the names of
eight kings of five cities who ruled before the
Flood (other sources mention nine or ten
kings). The last of these was the father of
Ziusura, the sage who with his family was
chosen by the god Enki to survive the Flood,
when the rest of mankind perished. In other
Mesopotamian versions of the story he is called
Atra-hasis or Ut-napigti.

From Mesopotamia the myth of the universal
Flood spread to Ugarit, and to Palestine, where
it was incorporated into the Hebrew Book of
Genesis. Possibly the Greek flood myths of
Deukalion, Ogyges and Dardanos are influ-
enced by the Mesopotamian story also. Per-
sonified, ‘Flood’ (abubu) was the name of a
winged cosmic monster.

Some modern authorities have implausibly
interpreted the story of the Flood as a metaphor
for a ‘flood’ of people, relating it to the Semitic
immigrations onto the Mesopotamian plain.

See Gilgameš; lion.

flour

Numerous different types of flour were used in
a variety of rituals. Flour might be used for
making a magic drawing, e.g. of a sorcerer
thought to have bewitched the patient. In vari-
ous divinatory and exorcistic rituals, flour is
scattered on the ground, and a special ritual
use of flour is to make small heaps of it (zidub-
dubbii, literally ‘piled up flour’), sometimes to-
gether with sebirbirredi (scattered grains).
When separate heaps of flour are made in front
of gods, or in front of other objects symbolising
the gods, the heaps represent offerings. In other
rituals, as explicitly stated, the heaps them-
selves symbolise certain gods whose presence is
desired during the procedures.

Various doughs made from different cereal
flours were used, mixed with herbs, to make
pastes for medical treatments. They were also
used ritually in the manufacture of figurines
for magical rituals intended to improve sexual
potency or to undo the effects of sorcery.

See diseases and medicine; magic and
sorcery; prostitution and ritual sex.

‘flowing vase’: see vase with streams.

fly
In the Mesopotamian versions of the Flood
story, the bodies of dead humans floating on

the flood waters are compared to flies. When
Ut-napisti (Ziusura), the survivor of the
Flood, makes the first sacrifice after the ark
comes to land, the gods sniff the savour and
buzz around like flies. To express her regret
that the Flood was ever sent, the mother god-
dess Nintu (or Bélet-ili in the version of the
story in the Epic of Gilgameš) (see mother
goddesses and birth goddesses) touches the
necklace of fly-jewels that Anu (An) made her,
swearing that she will never forget the terrible
event. Lapis lazuli beads in the shape of flies
have been found in Mesopotamia, and other
fly-jewellery is known from temple inventories.

In a Sumerian poem, a little fly helps Inana
when the galla demons are hunting down
Dumuzi.

The image of a fly on Old Babylonian seals
has been thought possibly to be a symbol of
Nergal as god of disease and death.

food and drink of the gods

Unlike the Greek Olympians with their
ambrosia and nectar, the Mesopotamian gods
had no special foods which were the privilege
of divinity. However, in the story of the sage
Adapa, Anu (An) decides that Adapa shall be
offered the ‘bread of life’ and the ‘water of life’
when he visits heaven, and it is clear from the
context that to have consumed these would have
conferred (eternal) life. In fact, believing them
to be the bread and water of death, he declines
and loses his chance of immortality.

The gods lived on the sacrifice of sheep, fish,
cereals and oil which mankind was obliged to
offer them regularly: the same foods as were
consumed by man himself. They drank beer
and wine (probably date wine as well as grape
wine), and in a number of myths gods are de-
picted as imbibing to excess. Inana has to feign
sexual innocence to ward off the drunken ad-
vances of her brother Utu in one Sumerian
poem, and in ‘Inana and Enki’ she plies Enki
with beer and sweet wine to the point where he
agrees formally to bestow on her the me or
divine powers of the universe, an action he
bitterly regrets when he wakens from his
drunken stupor.

galla

See alcohol; animal sacrifice; Ninmah;
sacrifice and offering; Siduri.

fork

A rare symbol in Mesopotamian art is the tri-
dent or three-pronged fishing spear. It is rep-
resented on seals of Early Dynastic, Akkadian,
Old Babylonian/Old Assyrian and Neo-
Assyrian date. It may occur in a group with
other, more familiar, symbols of gods, or as an
attribute held by a god or bull-man. On one
seal from the time of the Old Assyrian trading
colony in Anatolia, a god on a bull holds the
triple fork of lightning while another god on a
lion holds the trident. The two symbols should
certainly, therefore, be distinguished. The tri-
dent has been explained as the Old Assyrian
mazlagum, ‘fork’. Which Mesopotamian deity
the object symbolised, however, is unknown.

fortune-telling: see divination.

foundation deposits: see building rites and
deposits.

frog

In the Sumerian poem ‘Inana and Enki’, when
Enki awakes to find that in a drunken gambling
game he has allowed Inana to win from him all
the me, he attempts to recover them by sending
various watery creatures chasing after Inana’s
boat. The first is a little frog, whom he grasps
‘by its right hand’. Apparently the frog fails,
and other creatures are sent on the same
errand.

A frog occurs as a symbol or ‘filling motif’
on cylinder seals of the Kassite Period.
Weights were sometimes made in the shape of
frogs.

galla

The galla (Akkadian galli) is one of the numer-
ous types of underworld demons especially
responsible for hauling unfortunate humans

` offto the underworld. Often mentioned in in-

cantations in enumerations of seven types of
evil demons (see magic and sorcery), the gallas
in one magical text are said themselves to

152

Ganzir

number seven (see numbers). Inana is ac-
companied by gallas on her return from the
underworld, and they set off in a pack to fetch
the hapless Dumuzi to the nether regions.
Several Sumerian poems describe the deserted
sheepfold of Dumuzi after the gallas have taken
him away.

Like most demons or spirits, gallas could
exist in a favourable form too. In Gudea’s
hymn the minor god Ig-alima is described as
‘the great galla of Girsw’ (see Ningirsu).

see GeStinana.

Ganzir: see EreSkigal; gatekeepers; under-
world.

gatekeepers
The entrances to heaven, the underworld and
the abzu were usually guarded by one or a pair
of lesser divinities. In the poem ‘The Descent
of [Star nana)’ and in Babylonian magical
incantations, a god called Neti guards the gate
of the underworld (called Ganzir). In ‘Nergal
and EreSkigal’, the gatekeeper of the under-
world is not named. In the myth of Adapa, the
gods Dumuzi and GiSzida (NingiSzida) are
found guarding the gate to the heaven of Anu
(An), but this was a réle not usual for them.
Particularly in Assyrian times, gateways
were protected by a flanking pair of hybrid
animals or animal-men (see demons and
monsters), sometimes semi-divine (sce lama).
See Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea; Utu.

Gatumdug

Gatumdug was a goddess of the city-state of
Lagaš and, like Bau, with whom she was later
equated, she was regarded as a daughter of An.
She is sometimes called ‘Mother of Lagaš’ or
‘Mother who founded Lagaš’. Gudea, the
prince of Lagaš who rebuilt the temple of
Ningirsu, describes in his great hymn on that
subject how he visited the temple of Gatumdug
on his way to the temple of Nanie to obtain an
interpretation of a dream. He addresses
Gatumdug as mother and father and asks for
the protection of her favourable udug and
lama deities.

Gatumdug’s temple was originally in the
temple area at Lagaš but was subsequently
moved to Girsu.

generations of gods

Information about the generations of gods is
contained in many myths and literary works
and also in ancient Mesopotamian lists of
gods, set out according to their ‘households’,
with consort, offspring, other relatives,
minister, household staff and so on. ‘Mar-
riages’ and ‘parenthood’ among the gods are
sometimes attributable to geographical close-
ness of the cult centres where they were wor-
shipped. However, the same god was some-
times worshipped in different places, each with
its own traditions, and it was a persistent
feature of the history of Mesopotamian re-
ligion for local traditions to be gradually syn-
cretised as, throughout the centuries, political
units grew larger and larger. So it is sometimes
impossible to present unified data since several
discrepant traditions may be recorded for the
same period. The table on page 87 shows the
family relationships of some of the principal
gods according to the best-known traditions.
But it cannot be regarded as exclusively correct
and is far from presenting a complete picture:
the reader is advised to consult the entries on
individual gods and goddesses. In some cases
the use of the terms ‘brother’ and ‘sister’ in
Mesopotamian texts may imply no more than
that the deities concerned were of the same
‘generation’; similarly ‘father’ sometimes
means ‘ancestor’, and so forth.

genies

A number of so-called ‘genies’ are found in
Assyrian monumental and minor arts, often
engaged in royal rituals. Sometimes animal
hybrids such as the griffin-demon appear to
take part in rituals, but more often such parti-
cipants are anthropomorphic. Some types are
clearly minor deities, since they wear the
horned cap as a mark of their divinity; others
may be human. A male winged god, standing or
kneeling, holds a bucket and cone and can be
involved in the scenes of ‘ritual’ centred on the

generations of gods

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Gestinana

68 A winged genie with a sacrificial deer. From a
monumental stone relief in the throne-room of
the royal palace of the Assyrian king Assurnasir-
pal u (reigned 883-8598C) at Kalhu (modern
Nimrud).

49 stylised tree. A similar female figure holds a

chaplet of beads. Such figures might be
covered by the Akkadian term aladlammá,
which seems also to have been applied to bulls
and lions with human head (see lama). A
third figure carries a flowering branch, some-

68 times also a sacrificial(?) goat. Sometimes he

wears the horned cap, and even when he does
not he often has wings. Presumably, therefore,
such figures are also non-mortal; they may rep-
resent the Seven Sages in human guise.

See fish-garbed figure.

GeStinana

Ge&tinana is the goddess who was the faithful
sister of Dumuzi and, like him, a child of the
sheep goddess Duttur. Her cult was wide-
spread over Sumer until the Old Babylonian
Period. She seems to have been thought of
sometimes as an ‘old woman, an interpreter of
dreams’, as ‘Mother Ge&tinana’. When Inana
determines that, in order to secure her own
release from imprisonment in the under-
world, her husband Dumuzi shall take her
place, galla demons come to fetch the young
shepherd god from his sheepfold in the
country. Ge&tinana, his sister, who is also a
rural deity after whom fields were named
(hence too her equation with the later Ak-
kadian goddess Bélet-séri, ‘Lady of the open
countryside’), helps her brother to hide from
the demons by sending him successively to four
different hiding places. In another version of
the story, she refuses to give him away even
when tortured. In the eventa friend of Dumuzi
reveals his whereabouts to the demons. GeS-
tinana sings a death lament for him. It was
believed that subsequently she and Dumuzi
alternated six-month periods in the under-
world, where she sometimes functioned as
scribe to EreSkigal.

ghosts: see gidim.

Gibil (Girra)
Gibil or Girra (Akkadian girru) is deified fire.
Viewed as a god, Girra was thought to be a son
of Anu (An) and the goddess Sala. He rep-
resented fire in all its aspects: as a destructive
force and as the burning heat of the Meso-
potamian summer; and, as a creative force, the
fire in the smith’s furnace and the fire in the
kiln where bricks are baked, and so as a ‘foun-
der of cities’.

See Nusku.

gidim

The gidim (Akkadian etemmu) is, first of all, the
spirit of a dead person, living in the under-
world, who must be propitiated and revered.
The condition of such spirits is not, in general,

happy, and regular funerary offerings of food
and drink must be made to them. If not fed,
they can become restless and liable to haunt the
living. The gidim is also, then, the ghost who
returns from the underworld to persecute the
living. Especially those who had died violent
deaths were likely to be unsettled in the under-
world and to return and ‘seize’ living persons.
They might enter the body through the ear.
Magic could be employed against them.

Necromancy, the deliberate raising of
ghosts, was known and practised in Babylonia.
Questions about the future could be put to a
ghost raised in this way, although it was recog-
nised that this was a very dangerous activity,
since a ritual exists to counteract the ill effects
caused by practising necromancy (see magic
and sorcery).

Ghosts were also thought to be able to cause
some diseases. Qdt etemmi (literally ‘hand of
the ghost’) seems to have been a more or less
psychological illness. On the other hand, sibit
etemmi (‘seizure by the ghost’) appears to have
had definite physical symptoms.

See afterlife.

Gilgameš

Most scholars take the view that Gilgameš
probably was a historical king of the Sumerian
city Unug (in Akkadian, Uruk) some time dur-
ing the early part of the Early Dynastic Period.
However, we can definitely say that during the
later Early Dynastic Period a god Gilgameš (or
Bilgames, to give the early Sumerian form of
his name) was already being worshipped at a
number of different places in Sumer. The first
certain connection of this god with Uruk was
when Utu-heğal, king of Uruk, adopted Gil-
gameš as his patron deity. Under Utu-hegal's
immediate successors, the Third Dynasty of
Ur, Gilgameš was also worshipped at a small
town near Ur. This may be why the kings of the
Third Dynasty were especially attached to Gil-
gameš, calling him their “divine brother” and
‘friend’. Probably from this period derive the
various legends according to which Gilgameš
was a famous king of Uruk, contemporary with
En-me-barage-si, a historically attested. early

Gilgameš

ruler of the city of Ki8, or with the latter’s son
Agga.

The five independent narrative poems in
Sumerian survive in manuscripts from the first
half of the second millennium Bc and are
usually called by the titles given to them by
their modern editors. ‘Gilgameš and Agga’ is
the story of the successful rebellion of Gil-
gameš against his overlord and benefactor,
King Agga of Kiš. ‘Gilgameš and Huwawa’ (or
‘Gilgameš and the Cedar Foresť) relates how
the hero and his serving man Enkidu defeat
and kill the monster Huwawa, who had been
appointed by Enlil as guardian of the Cedar
Forest. ‘Gilgameš and the Bull of Heaven’ tells
how the heroic duo defeat and kill the Bull of
Heaven, sent against Gilgameš by the goddess
Inana perhaps after he had rejected her sexual
advances. ‘The Death of Gilgame¥’ is poorly
preserved, but apparently referred to an impor-
tant state funeral and the arrival of the de-
ceased in the underworld. It may perhaps have
been misinterpreted, as it could refer rather to
the death of Enkidu. In ‘Gilgameš, Enkidu and
the Nether World’, Gilgameš questions the
shade of Enkidu about conditions in the
underworld.

By the Old Babylonian Period, stories about
Gilgameš and his adventures had been elabor-
ated into one or more poems in Akkadian.
However, the most complete version, a grand
epic which survives in twelve fragmentary
tablets, was compiled by one Sîn-leqe-
unninni, probably in Middle Babylonian
times, and first discovered in the excavation of
the library of the Assyrian king Assurbanipal
(reigned 668-c.627BC) at his capital Nineveh.
Some of the gaps in the narrative can be filled
by fragments found at other sites in Meso-
potamia, Anatolia and the Levant.

The epic opens with a prologue in praise of
Gilgameš, builder and first king of Uruk, the
great warrior, one-third human, two-thirds
divine. There is allusion, however, to the
king’s ‘oppression’ of the city, usually inter-
preted either as his tyrannical compulsion of
the citizens to forced labour or as his sexual
oppression of the population. In order to curb

Gilgames

69 Gilgameš
slaughter the monster Humbaba. From a baked
clay moulded plaque of the Old Babylonian
Period.

and Enkidu pin down and

these excesses, Anu (An) creates Enkidu, an
uncivilised brute of a man who at first runs wild
among the animals. Tamed and initiated into
the ways of the human world by his encounter
with the prostitute Šamhat, however, Enkidu
journeys to Uruk for the inevitable confronta-
tion with the king. Gilgameš is ready for him.
The second tablet describes a wrestling bout
between the two men (see wrestlers). Gil-
gameš is the victor, but the strength and
tenacity of his opponent win his lasting respect
and friendship. Enkidu hereafter is treated as
the equal partner and companion of Gilgameš
(not his slave as in most Sumerian versions).

In tablets III-V the companions travel to-
gether to the distant Cedar Forest, guarded in
the name of Enlil by the terrifying Humbaba
(the Akkadian name for Huwawa). The rest of
the engagement is lost to us, but it is likely that
Humbaba is defeated and killed. When the
sixth tablet begins, Gilgameš has returned to
his city. The city goddess Ištar (Akkadian name
of Inana) proposes marriage, but Gilgameš
rejects her advances and, with Enkidu/s help,
slays the dreaded Bull of Heaven that the
vengeful goddess sends against him.

At the beginning of tablet VII Enkidu re-
counts a dream in which Anu (An), Ea (Enki)
and Šamaš (Utu) had decided that for killing
Humbaba and the Bull of Heaven either Gil-
gameš or Enkidu must die. They choose
Enkidu. (In the Sumerian poem ‘Gilgameš and

Huwawa’, Enkidu’s specific crime was his lack
of compassion for Huwawa.) Enkidu subse-
quently sickens, and dreams of the underworld
that must await him. He dies. The lament of
Gilgameš for his late friend and the details of
the state funeral are narrated in the eighth
tablet.

The next episode (in tablets IX-XI) leads up
to the story of the Flood and its hero, which in
Sumerian literature had been an independent
poem. Depressed by the death of Enkidu and
feelings of his own mortality, Gilgameš makes
a long journey, involving many dangers, to the
home of Ūt-napišti (Ziusura), to learn from
him the secret of immortality. When he finally
arrives, Ūt-napišti relates the story of his
escape from the Flood and his attainment of
eternal life. In response to the plea of Gilgameš
for immortality, Üt-napišti challenges him to
defy sleep. This Gilgameš fails to do, immedi-
ately falling asleep and not awakening for
seven days. If not eternal life, Ūt-napišti is still
able to offer restored youth, directing Gilgameš
to the place of a plant which has the property of
rejuvenation. Gilgameš picks the plant, but he
leaves it on the shore while he takes a re-
freshing swim, and its smell is caught by a
nearby serpent, who snatches it. Hurrying
away, the serpent sheds its old skin for a new
one. (See ‘plant of life’.)

Despondent, GilgameS returns to Uruk,
showing off his city to Ut-napi&ti’s boatman
UrSanabi (called Sursunabu in the Old Baby-
lonian version).

The twelfth tablet is an appendix relating to
the loss of certain objects which had been given
to Gilgameš by Ištar. This is a close parallel to
part of the Sumerian ‘Gilgameš, Enkidu and
the Nether World’ that did not fit well into the
new epic and so was relegated to the end. The
poem thus concludes with a vision of the spirit
of Enkidu, who promises to recover the lost
items, but who gives a bleak report on con-
ditions in the afterlife.

From some (probably three) of the Sumerian
Gilgameš poems and other material, some
romantic narratives and others more philo-
sophical, the Akkadian Epic of Gilgameš

creates a work of outstanding sensitivity and
beauty. The focus is on the sharp contrast
between the hero’s disdain of danger in the first
part and his haunting terror of death in the
second.

There is one important event in the life of
Gilgameš that neither the Sumerian nor the
Akkadian version treats: the hero’s birth. Since
his exploits might have been considered of
more interest, this might not, perhaps, be sur-
prising in itself. Yet birth legends were a
common feature of Mesopotamian and Near
Eastern heroic romances, and the omission is
the more striking because there is a chance
mention of Gilgameš’s birth preserved in the
work of a classical author, Aelian’s On the
Nature of Animals. According to this account
(narrated as an illustration of the kindness of
animals to men), King ‘Seuechoros’ of ‘the
Babylonians’ had been warned by his magi-
cians that a son born to his daughter would
usurp his throne. He therefore kept the girl at
the acropolis under close guard. Nevertheless,
she became pregnant, and the guards, fearing
the king’s wrath, cast the child from the
summit. The baby was saved by an eagle in
flight (recalling the story of Etana). The bird
took him to an orchard, where the child was
carefully set down. The caretaker of the place
found the baby and took care of him. The
child, who was later to become king, was called
‘Gilgamos’. The story is in the tradition of
other Near Eastern birth legends (Sargon,
Cyrus, Moses). This account and the Hittite
version of the epic do, however, hint at tra-
ditions about the birth and early life of Gil-
gameš ata time before he became king of Uruk,
and it has been suggested that this could help to
explain his unpopularity in his own city at the
beginning of the epic. If he were a usurper of
the throne, a certain resentment anda degree of
repression might be expected.

Although the stories about Gilgameš had
a long currency and were apparently widely
known in the Near East, depictions of the
legends in art are hard to come by. The ‘hero’
figure with long hair, typically with four or six

91 large curls (see Lahmu), and his concomitant

ipar

bull-man, common in Mesopotamian art of
most periods, have popularly been taken to rep-
resent Gilgameš and Enkidu, but this is incor-
rect. Some works of art of the second and first
millennia BC, however, mostly clay plaques
(figurines) and seals, do seem to depict two of
the episodes in the Gilgame stories. In one a
pair of human figures attack a demonic figure,
often a version of the ‘hero’ with curls; the two
men stab or hack at the demon with their
weapons, each using one leg to pin him down.
This must be the slaughter of Huwawa/Hum-
baba. A second scene shows a similar human
pair attacking a monstrous winged human-
headed bovine, almost certainly the Bull of
Heaven.

gipar
The gipar (Akkadian giparu) was the residence
of the en priest or priestess (Akkadian ēnu or
entu) (see priests and priestesses) and the
administrative centre of their households. The
&ipar at Ur was rebuilt by the Neo-Babylonian
king Nabonidus when, reviving the ancient
office, he dedicated his daughter En-nigaldi-
Nanna as entu of Nanna following an eclipse
of the moon on 26 September 554Bc. The
building was excavated by Sir Leonard Wool-
ley. The original gipar (built during the time of
the Third Dynasty of Ur), located adjacent to
the main temple enclosure of Nanna which in-
cluded the ziggurat, was divided into two
sections, one the residence proper of the entu
and her household, including a cemetery of
former entu priestesses, and the other incor-
porating the entu’s personal temple to the god-
dess Ningal (the wife of Nanna). As rebuilt by
Nabonidus, the gipar was relocated slightly
further east. A new temple of Ningal was built
inside the enclosure of the temple of Nanna.
In the time of the Assyrian governor Sin-
balassu-iqbi, during the reign of Assurbanipal
(reigned 668-c.627 BC), the original site of the
&ipar had been occupied by a building heavily
protected by magical deposits of sun-dried clay
figurines buried in the foundations. They
were placed in boxes of ‘plano-convex’
bricks, unused architecturally since the Early

goat-fish

70 Neo-Assyrian sun-dried clay figurines of the
goat-fish and the merman, probably from the city of
ASSur. Although no details of their discovery are
known, they will have been placed within a brick box
buried in the foundations of a building to counter evil.
Lengths 140,130 mm.

90
70

Dynastic Period and probably excavated from
an ancient ruin (see building rites and
deposits).

Girra: see Gibil.
Gi&zida: see NingiSzida.

goat-fish

A creature with the head and forelegs of a goat
and body of a fish is represented from Neo-
Sumerian through to Hellenistic times, and
even had a revival, as Capricornus, at the hands
of the Romans (especially in Augustan art,
Capricorn being the emperor’s zodiac sign).
The identification of the Mesopotamian crea-
ture with the suhurmasa, ‘carp-goat’, is proved
by a kudurru caption and by the inscriptions
prescribed in Assyrian rituals for figurines of
the type, which appear on actual examples.
Association with the god Ea (Enki), suspected
from the frequent iconographic juxtaposition
with the ram-headed staff (see standards,
staves and sceptres of the gods), is confirmed
by texts, but the figure could also be a generally
magically protective type, often paired with the
merman in pictorial representations.

goat-headed staff: see standards, staves and
sceptres of the gods.

gods and goddesses

The gods of the ancient Mesopotamians, in
historical times, were almost without exception
anthropomorphic, male or female. It seems that
they were imagined as of gigantic size and of
superhuman powers, although the power of all
the gods was by no means equal: some were
relatively minor or of restricted influence.
They shared the emotions and foibles of man-
kind. Generally speaking they were immortal,
although there are certain gods, such as
Dumuzi, Gugalana (see EreSkigal), Ges-
tinana and the Slain Heroes, about whom
myths are recounted which involve their
deaths, or visits to the underworld (see dead
gods). Typically the gods exuded or, as the
Mesopotamians said, ‘wore’ melam, which

gods and goddesses

71 Gods fight among themselves. Modern
rolled impression of a lapis lazuli cylinder seal of
the Akkadian Period from Kis.

Ht.280mm.

72 Head, broken from a baked clay statuette of a
goddess, wearing the distinctive horned cap as a
mark of her divinity. Probably Neo-Babylonian.
Ht.133mm.

49,87

gods and goddesses

73 King Nabi-apla-iddina of Babylon is
introduced into the presence of the sun god
Samag. Before the shrine the god’s solar disc
is suspended on an altar. From a stone tablet
commemorating the restoration of the Temple
of Sama§ at Sippar in ¿.87o BC.

AN.

covered them in a terrifying splendour.
Although they lived in heaven or the under-
world, an extension of their personality also
inhabited the various cult statues erected to
them by mankind: when a statue was first
dedicated, the Babylonians performed the
‘Washing the mouth’ and ‘Opening the mouth’
rituals for it in order to enable it to become
imbued with the divine presence.

The largest group of gods are the deities of
the various city pantheons. To these can be
added gods and goddesses representing
natural forces (Gibil, Nisaba, Iškur, etc.),
birth goddesses (see mother goddesses and
birth goddesses), groups of anonymous gods
(such as the Anuna, Igigi or gods of the
night), minister deities (minor deities who
attend more important gods and goddesses), as
well as deities of inchoate personality assigned
to the primordial period before the splitting of
heaven and earth. Next come the personal
gods of individuals (‘a man’s god’) chiefly dis-

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74 A man worships before two altars, each
supporting a divine symbol (in this case the
lion-headed standard of the underworld god
Nergal and the crescent of the moon god Sin).
From a cylinder seal, Neo-Babylonian Period.

75 Two images of kingship. (/eff) Naram-Suen,
god-king of Agade (2254-2218BC), wearing the
horned cap of divinity. From his stela com-
memorating victory over the Lullubi, found at
Susa in north-west Iran, where it had been taken
as booty in antiquity. (right) King Assurnasirpal
u of Assyria (reigned 883-859 BC) in ceremonial
religious dress. Assyrian kings were not deified,
but were the chief priests of the god ASSur. From
an ivory casket (?) panel from Kalhu (modern
Nimrud).

gods and goddesses

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Sumerian and Babylonian kings from Naram-
Suen (reigned 2310-2274BC) to Samsu-ditana
(reigned 1681-1651BC) were deified in their
own lifetimes and received a cult in temples
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73,74,
76

‘God with mace’

In order to deal conceptually with the
extreme proliferation of deities (more than
3,000 names have been recovered), the gods
were organised by the Mesopotamians into
groups for which the metaphors of ‘house-
hold’, ‘extended family’ or ‘state’ can be used.
The divine patrons of the various cities partici-
pate, in myths, in a consultative assembly of
the gods, which may reflect a human political
phenomenon of the Third Dynasty of Ur. The
gradual organisation of the local gods into a
national pantheon, like a great tribe with
several generations, also threw up anomalies: a
god worshipped under the same name in two
different places might have two quite different
cults and would then be distinguished as, for
example, Anu (An) of Uruk or Anu of Dér,
Ištar (Inana) of Arba’il or Ištar of Uruk, or
Nineveh. Aššur was sometimes called the
‘Assyrian Enlil’. In due course the overall
number of deities was reduced by the expedient
of equating or regarding as forms of each other
deities whose character was similar. At its most
extreme this led to the so-called monotheistic
tendencies of the cult of Marduk, in which, at
one point, all the other male gods’ names were
alleged to be no more than the ‘names of Mar-
duk’.

When depicted in art, from at least the third
millennium BC, gods are generally shown
wearing the horned cap with up to seven
superimposed sets of bulls’ horns. This is de-
scribed as a mark of their divinity. They can
also be identified by their distinctive symbols
and attributes. The majority of these, some
first depicted in the prehistoric, others in the
Akkadian Period, are found with very little
change in form or meaning down to the time of
the Persian conquest (and in a few cases be-
yond). When not represented together with a
god, these motifs nevertheless symbolise their
associated deities.

See Anuna; generations of gods; ‘great
gods’; Igigū; lists of gods.

‘God with mace’: see mace.

‘God with staff’: see Ninšubur (god).

good and evil

Every human society has notions of good
(morally laudable) and bad (morally reprehen-
sible) behaviour. When these notions are
elevated to be independent abstract principles
we speak of good and evil, and some religious
systems can be interpreted in terms of these two
opposing powers, sometimes seen as constantly
locked in combat with each other. The com-
plexity of ancient Mesopotamian religion, re-
sulting from the syncretism over many years of
numerous local cults, was not conducive to
such a view, even ifin the Standard Babylonian
tradition and in Neo-Assyrian religion we
occasionally come across personified concepts
like Kittu (Truth, a daughter of Sama’/Utu),
Mi8aru (Justice, a son of Sama) and Dayyanu
(the Judge) as deities.

While the principal deities Enlil, Utu/
Šamaš and Enki/Ea promote justice and
activities beneficial to man, protect the weak,
widows and orphans, and destroy the wicked,
these are secondary characteristics of their
divine personalities, rather than their per-
sonalities being an extension of their réle as
a personification of good. The ‘wicked’ are
often not distinguished from the ‘enemy’. The
Sumerian gods, amongst themselves, behave
amorally, even immorally.

Many of the spirits we call ‘demons’, such
as the udug, lama, alad or galla, were origin-
ally neutral, and the evil forms of them are
specifically identified as ‘evil udugs’, ‘evil gal-
las’ (except that in certain contexts reference to
the evil form is taken for granted). Perhaps the
nearest to a specifically evil personification in
the Mesopotamian record is the demon often
mentioned in magical incantations called
Mimma lemnu, which means ‘All that is evil’.
No information survives about how the physi-
cal features of this demon were envisaged.

See LamasStu; sin.

goose: see Bau.

graves: see death and funerary practices.

‘great gods’

The term ‘great gods’ is used sometimes,
apparently, for the gods in general, but more
usually for the principal divinities of the pan-
theon. When the deities referred to are enu-
merated or invoked by name, the list varies
slightly from time to time, but the most usual
inclusions in Assyrian royal inscriptions are
seven or twelve in number. The personal
preferences of individual kings (see personal
gods) would affect the inclusions and. the
order. For example, the devotion of Assur-
nasirpal II (reigned 883-859 BC) to the god
Ninurta placed this god among, and perhaps at
the head of, this group, but he is thereafter
seldom acknowledged. ASSur was normally
placed at the beginning of the list, but Assur-

77 Ivory furniture inlay
showing a winged griffin,
from Kalhu (modern
Nimrud). Neo-Assyrian
Period. Ht.rgomm.

griffin

banipal favoured especially the goddess I8tar
(Inana), who seems to take precedence during
his reign (668—c.627 BC).

On the stelae erected by Assyrian kings (or,
exceptionally, provincial governors) to com-
memorate special events or the limits of
successful campaigns, the king is always shown
below symbols of the principal gods. These
and usually additional deities are invoked in
the accompanying inscriptions.

See Igigii.

griffin

Griffin (from Greek gryphon) was the name used
in medieval Europe, and today in studies of art,
for a fabulous composite animal, typically
having the body (winged or wingless), hind-

griffin-demon

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legs and tail of a lion and the head and fore-
parts of a bird, usually an eagle. Probably ori-
ginating in Syria in the second millennium BC,
the griffin was known throughout the Near East,
including Mesopotamia, and in Greece by the
fourteenth century BC. It is often paired with
the sphinx (see bulls and lions with human
head). In Assyrian art it is sometimes depicted
together with the griffin-demon.

The beast can be shown recumbent or seated
on its haunches. The Near Eastern version has
a crested head, while the Greek is usually
shown with a row of spiral curls forming a
mane. Often, in both the Near East and
Greece, the creature has large donkey ears,
perhaps from some assimilation to the lion-
dragon. The beak is often parted to show the
curling tongue.

Apparently the creature had some religious
significance, being shown in the Near East
among other beasts of the gods and in the
West in funerary art. It may have been magic-
ally protective, but its precise associations and
functions are unknown.

griffin-demon
With possible antecedents from the Old Baby-
lonian Period, and with close analogues in
Mitannian art, the griffin-demon first appears
in his familiar form — a human-bodied figure
with bird’s head and wings — on Middle
Assyrian seals, and became a very popular
figure in Neo-Assyrian art, especially in the
ninth century Bc. After the seventh century BC,
the figure is rare, but occurs on Seleucid
Period seals. The private quarters of the palace
of Assurnasirpal II (reigned 883~859 BC) were
dominated by reliefs depicting this creature.

In the Neo-Assyrian Period figures of this
type were explained as representations of the
Babylonian Seven Sages, and groups of seven
figurines of them were used as foundation
deposits to protect houses and palaces (see
building rites and deposits) — alongside very
different anthropomorphic figures and figu-
rines of the fish-garbed figure (also supposed
to represent the Seven Sages).

See bucket and cone; Nisroch.

Gula
‘Guardians of the gate’: see gatekeepers.
gud-alim: see bison, bull-man.
Gugal-ana: see EreSkigal.

Gula
The goddess Gula (whose name means ‘great’)
was a healing goddess, who ‘understands dis-
ease’, and a patroness of doctors. She was also
worshipped under the names Nintinuga, Nin-
karrak and Meme, originally the names of
other goddesses; and as Ninisina, ‘Lady of
Isin’. Her principal shrine was the E-gal-mah
at Isin, but she also had temples at Nippur,
Borsippa and Aššur. She was regarded as
the wife of Ninurta or Pabilsağ, or else of
the minor vegetation god Abu. Gula was the
mother of the healing god Damu, and of the
god Ninazu (also associated with healing).

Her sacred animal was the dog, and small
model dogs were dedicated to her by worship-
pers (see dedication).

See diseases and medicine.

79 The goddess Gula and her dog. Detail from
the carving on a kudurru of the reign of the Baby-
lonian king Nabû-mukīn-apli (reigned 978-
94380).

IOI

7,79

hand

Because the hand symbolises control or
seizure, a number of diseases have names in
Akkadian which indicate that they were
thought to be directly attributable to the power
of various gods: ‘hand of Sama’ (Utu)’, ‘hand
of [Star (Inana)’, ‘hand of the ghost (gidim)’,
‘hand of the god’ (see diseases and medi-
cine). It is not usually possible to identify these
illnesses or groups of symptoms in modern
medical terms.

Small models of hands, made from stone,
bone or shell, were common amulets in
the Early Dynastic Period, and are known
occasionally from later periods. The symbol of
a hand, sometimes mounted ona pole, and with
varying numbers of fingers, is seen on seals of
the Old Babylonian Period; its significance is
unknown.

‘hands-of-IStar’

Qat Istar, ‘hand of [star Inana)’, is the name of
a psychological illness of some sort (see hand).
In modern archaeological jargon, however, the
term has been used to refer to a particular type
of object: baked clay images of clenched fists.
They were inserted into the walls of the major
buildings of the Assyrian kings Assurnasirpal
II (reigned 883-859 BC) and his son and suc-
cessor Shalmaneser III (reigned 858-824 8c).
The inscriptions on the backs of the hands
record the name of the king and of the palace or
temple into which they were set. They have
sometimes been regarded as magical devices
for the aversion of evil from the buildings,
although some commentators have not unrea-
sonably explained them simply as consoles for
supporting (perhaps in a decorative rather than
structural sense) the beams of the ceiling or of
an upper storey. Since they were coated in
bitumen, it is very likely that they also func-
tioned as stoups to drain off the rain water. In
any event, the use of the term ‘hands-of-[Star’
for these devices has no textual basis.

Hanis: see Iškur.
Haya: see Nisaba.

102

heaven: see cosmology.
Hendursag: see Sum.
‘hero’ with curls: see Lahmu.

horned cap

From the early third millennium Bc onwards a fr.,16,
cap with up to seven superimposed pairs of 71,72,
horns is the distinctive head-dress of divinity. en
It is seen as a separate symbol, often standing `”
on a podium, from the late Kassite Period 80,151
down to the Neo-Babylonian, and continued to

be represented as a mark of divinity in
Achaemenid art. Originally a general indi-
cation of divine status, its use as a symbol of a
particular major deity was never consistent. On
Kassite kudurrus the symbol is named as that

of the supreme god Anu (An), but in Neo-
Assyrian art it was apparently transferred to the

new national god Aššur. Sometimes, however, 21
three caps then represented A&Sur, Anu (An) 10
and Enlil, or in Babylonia two such caps
symbolised the latter two, with very oc-
casionally a third cap standing for Ea (Enki) 90

in place of his ram-headed staff. The style of

the divine cap changed from time to time
according to fashion, being either domed or
flat-topped, sometimes trimmed with feathers

or surmounted by a knob or fleur-de-lys.

80 The symbol
of the multi-
horned cap
placed on an
altar, as it was
commonly carved
on the Baby-
lonian kudurru
stones.

The horned cap may well be derived from
the horns of wild cattle (Bos primigenius),
which, even after the domestication of cattle,
remained as a separate species throughout the
Near East. They still roamed the plains of
north-western Mesopotamia as late as Neo-
Assyrian times, when they were hunted by
Assyrian kings. The wild bull must have been a
truly awe-inspiring beast, six feet tall at the
shoulder and with an enormous pair of wide-
sweeping horns. Domestic cattle were tiny by
comparison. As a visual and literary image of
power and strength, wild cattle preoccupied the
Mesopotamian imagination, a metaphor for
deity or a suitable comparison for heroes or
kings.

horoscopes: see zodiac.

horse

The horse had been introduced into Meso-
potamia by the first half of the second millen-
nium Bc. A winged horse or a centaur is to be
seen on some Middle Assyrian seals. The motif
ofa horse’s head occurs as a divine symbol on a
seal of the second millennium Bc and on Neo-
Assyrian seals, as well as on a kudurru of the

81 Symbol of a horse’s head on an altar. Detail
from the carving on a kudurru of the Babylonian
king Nebuchadnezzar 1 (reigned 1125—1104BC).

82 (below) Detail from a Neo-Assyrian cylinder
seal. The sun god Sama, within his winged disc
(supported by bull-men), stands on a horse, while
a fish-garbed figure and worshipper (represen-
ting the owner of the seal) flank the scene.

II á

M
m We
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103

81,9

House God and House Goddess

Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar I (reigned
125—1104BC), where it may represent a con-
stellation (see rainbow). In the Neo-Assyrian
Period, the horse is the animal of the sun-god
Šamaš (Utu), if we may trust this identification
of the deity on the basis of the associated
winged disc.

Assyrian business documents sometimes
specify as penalties for breach of contract, the
dedication of two or four white horses to the
god Aššur. These were probably live horses,
given to the temple or (as the chief priest of the
god) the king, rather than statues.

House God and House Goddess

A pair called ‘House God’ and ‘House God-
dess’ were magically protective deities in Neo-
Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian buildings. Clay

figurines of them were buried in the founda-
tions to ward off demons. The form of these
figures is at present unknown.

See building rites and deposits.

Hubur: see river of the underworld; river
ordeal.

human sacrifice

For Early Dynastic Sumer large-scale sacri-
fice, on the death of a lord or lady, of the reti-
nue of the household, human as well as animal
(see animal sacrifice), is scarcely if at all hin-
ted at in documentary sources. Nevertheless,
it is unequivocally attested by Sir Leonard
Woolley’s excavations of the ‘Royal Tombs’ at -
Ur. The principal occupants of these tombs
were attended by numbers of victims, from six

—
=

83 The plans of two important Early Dynastic burials at Ur, as excavated by Sir Leonard Woolley.
(left) The so-called ‘King’s Grave’ and (right), lying above it, the grave of Queen Pu-abi.

104

84 A reconstruction, in a painting by A. Fores-
tier (1928), of the scene of sacrifice in the ‘death-
pit’ of the ‘King’s Grave’ at Ur, based on the
archaeological excavations.

to eighty persons, equipped with the tools and
weapons that had been appropriate to them in
their lives of service. The principal body was
laid inside a specially built stone or brick
tomb-chamber. The human victims were then
either placed in the filling of the grave-shaft, in
separate chambers, or, more usually, in a great
‘death-pit’ (a large dug-out rectangular open-
air trench), the walls and floor lined with
reeds, and with steps or a ramp cut on one side,
at the bottom of which the tomb was built.
Usually the lord or lady was first installed and
sealed within the tomb, accompanied by three
of four crouching attendants. Into the pit was
then led the procession of courtiers, soldiers,
musicians, servants, animal-driven chariots
and carts with drivers and grooms. Each per-
son held a small vessel of clay, stone, or metal,
from which, we assume (by the peaceful con-

Hurrian gods

dition of the bodies which showed no sign of
violence or a struggle), they drank their poison
or sleeping-drug. The animals were then
killed, and the great pit filled in with earth.
Doubtless the entire process was accompanied
by elaborate ceremonies.

This large-scale sacrifice of the Early Dyn-
astic Period was apparently short-lived and
was subsequently abandoned. However, in
the seventh century BC, when an eclipse was
thought to portend the death of the Assyrian
king, there was a procedure for choosing a
temporary substitute king and queen. The
couple were for a time ceremonially treated as
if royal (but given no political power) and then,
at the time of the predicted fatality, were put to
death.

See death and funerary practices;
figurines.

Humbaba: see Huwawa.

Hurrian gods: see IShara; ISkur, Sala;
TiSpak.

105

35,52

Huwama (Humbaba)

Huwawa (Humbaba)

Huwawa (Akkadian Humbaba) appears in the
Gilgame$ stories as Enlil’s guardian of the
Cedar Forest. Described as a giant protected by
seven layers of terrifying radiance (see melam
and ni), he was killed by Gilgameš and
Enkidu.

In art, Humbaba is typically portrayed as a
human-bodied figure with lion’s claws for
hands, a monstrous face, long hair and whisk-
ers. Clay plaques and seals of the second and
first millennia BC depict his killing by Gil-
gameš and Enkidu: they pin him down with

85 A baked-clay

relief plaque
Huwawa or Humbaba, Enlil’s guardian of the
Cedar Forest. Probably Isin-Larsa or Old Baby-
lonian Period. Ht. 105mm.

depicting

106

their feet while Enkidu cuts off his head with
his sword.

Babylonian models of the face of Humbaba
(ranging in date from the Old Babylonian to
the Neo-Babylonian Periods) were connected
with divination: some are inscribed with
omens for ‘when the intestines are like Hum-
baba’, or ‘if a woman bore [a foetus] in the
shape of Huwawa’ — the prognostication is
always revolution in the state! It has been
thought that such models were used to instruct
in divination, but in the Old Babylonian
Period faces of Humbaba are frequently seen
on clay plaques and on seal designs, set high in
the background, as if they were hung on the
wall — perhaps as magical charms. The face of
Humbaba was carved in stone on one side of
the entrance to the Old Babylonian Period
temple at Tell al-Rimah.

Huwawa/Humbaba is perhaps a form of the
Elamite god Humban. The name and réle of
Humbaba survive in that of Kombabos, a
guardian figure in a legend from Hellenistic
north Syria.

hybrids: see demons and monsters.
hydra: see snakes.
Ig-alima: see Bau; local gods.

Igigü

Igigü or Igigi is a term introduced in the Old
Babylonian Period as a name for the (ten)
‘great gods’. While it sometimes kept that
sense in later periods, from Middle Babylon-
ian times on it is generally used to refer to the
gods of heaven collectively, just as the term
Anunnakki (Anuna) was later used to refer to
the gods of the underworld. In the Epic of
Creation, it is said that there are 300 Igigii of
heaven.

Tlaba

Haba is now thought to be the correct reading of
the name of a god whose worship was briefly
but importantly prominent during the Ak-
kadian Period, as a warrior god and personal

103

86 The lion-headed bird
Imdugud. Detail from the
carving on a stone relief
dedicated by the_priest
Dudu, found at Girsu
(modern Tello). Early
Dynastic Period.

hh
HAY
ey

deity of the kings of that dynasty. His name is
sometimes found inscribed on the attractive
cylinder seals of the period.

After the Akkadian Period he appears to have
become almost completely obscure, and is
mentioned only occasionally, as for instance on
akudurru of the eighth century Bc. There was
a temple of Ilaba at Babylon. The constellation
known to the Babylonians as the Harrow is de-
scribed in an astronomical explanatory text as
the ‘weapon of Ilaba’.

The suggestion that the god is represented
by the so-called ‘Figure with mace’ is without
foundation.

Il-abrat: see NinSubur (god).

Imdugud (Anza)

Imdugud is probably the correct reading of the
Sumerian name of the monstrous bird who is
called Anzai in Akkadian. Envisaged as bird-
like but having the head of a lion, and of
gigantic size so that the flapping of its wings
could cause whirlwinds and sandstorms, the
Imdugud was probably originally a personifi-
cation of an atmospheric force (its name is used
to write a word meaning ‘fog’ or ‘mist’). Other
descriptions of the Anzii indicate that it had a
beak ‘like a saw’, and so presumably a bird’s

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head. In Neo-Assyrian art, a monster com-
bining bird and lion elements may be the
Anzü or the Asakku (Asag) (see lon-
dragon).

The Imdugud or Anzü steals the tablet of
destinies from Enki (Sumerian version) or
from Enlil (Akkadian version), and the bird is
killed by Ninurta who eventually returns the
tablet to its rightful owner. This must be a very
early myth (although not attested until the
Old Babylonian Period) since the Imdugud is
already depicted as a heraldic animal associ-
ated with Ningirsu on the ‘Stela of the
Vultures’ (late Early Dynastic Period) and
referred to in connection with this god in a
dream recounted by Gudea of Lagaš. The
association is presumed to derive from
Ningirsu/Ninurta’s defeat of the bird (see
Slain Heroes). On seals of the Akkadian
Period, a bird-man is commonly shown being
brought before Ea (Enki) as a prisoner, and
some have thought to relate this to an early
version of the Imdugud/Anzii story.

In the Sumerian poem of Lugalbanda, when
he is wandering in the Zagros mountains, the

hero comes upon the Imdugud fledgling in its

nest. The Imdugud and its wife soon return. In
‘Gilgameš, Enkidu and the Nether World’,
the Imdugud and its fledgling nest in a sacred

107

6,117

125

148

Iminbi (Sebittu)

halub tree which Inana has planted in Uruk.
Later the term anzd is used (in the plural
also) to refer to heraldic representations of the
Anzii bird on buildings etc.
See: E-kur.

Iminbi (Sebittu): see Seven (gods).

immortality: see Adapa; dead gods; Gil-
games; Ziusura.

Inana (Ištar)

The goddess Inana or Ištar was the most
important female deity ofancient Mesopotamia
at all periods. Her Sumerian name Inana is
probably derived from a presumed Nin-ana,
‘Lady of Heaven’; it also occurs as Innin. The
sign for Inana’s name (the ring-post) is found
in the earliest written texts. [Star (earlier Estar),
her Akkadian name, is related to that of the
South Arabian (male) deity ‘Athtar (see
Arabian gods) and to that of the Syrian god-
dess Astarte (Biblical Ashtoreth), with whom
she was undoubtedly connected.

The principal tradition concerning Inana
made her the daughter of An, and closely con-
nected with the Sumerian city of Uruk.
According to another tradition she was the
daughter of the moon god Nanna (Sin) and
sister of the sun god Utu (Šamaš). She was also
regarded as daughter of Enlil or even of Enki
in variant traditions. Inana’s sister was Eres-
kigal, queen of the underworld. Her minister
was the goddess NinSubur. The fact that in no
tradition does Inana have a permanent male
spouse is closely linked to her rôle as the god-
dess of sexual love. Even Dumuzi, who is
often described as her ‘lover’, has a very am-
biguous relationship with her and she is ulti-
mately responsible for his death. Nor were any
children ascribed to her (with one possible
exception, Sara).

It seems likely that with the persona of the
classical goddess Inana/IStar a number of
originally independent, local goddesses were
syncretised (see local gods). The most impor-
tant of these was certainly the Inana of Uruk,

108

87 Aspects of Ištar:
details of cylinder

seals of the Akkadian
and Neo-Assyrian
Periods. The goddess

is shown respectively

in a state of undress,
dressed to kill and

(as cult statue) in astral
aspect receiving worship.

=
yzg
Y JE [BZ
Y ISE
`š

124

129

Jrontis.

where her principal shrine E-ana (“House of
Heaven’) was located. But other local forms
of the goddess were recognised and received
independent cults: Inana of Zabala (in north-
ern Babylonia), Inana of Agade (especially
honoured by the kings of the dynasty of
Agade), Inana of Kiš; and, in Assyria, Ištar of
Nineveh and Ištar of Arba'il.

Inana was also intimately associated with the
goddess Nanaya, with whom she was worship-
ped at Uruk and Kiš.

The ‘personality’ of Inana/Ištar can be
divided into three quite separate strains. One
aspect is that of a goddess of love and sexual
behaviour, but especially connected with extra-
marital sex and — in a way which has not yet
been fully researched, notwithstanding the re-
marks of Herodotus on the subject — with pros-
titution. Inana is not a goddess of marriage,
nor is she a mother goddess. The so-called
Sacred Marriage in which she participates
carries no overtones of moral implication for
human marriages. The sixth tablet of the Baby-
lonian Epic of Gilgameš, in which Gilgameš
reproaches Ištar for her treatment of a whole
series of lovers, and declines to become the
latest in the list, is an important source for this
aspect of Ištar, as are the various Sumerian
poems about Inana and her love for Dumuzi.

The second aspect of the goddess’s per-
sonality is that of a warlike goddess who is fond
of battle, which is proverbially described as the
‘playground of Ištar’. Violent and lusting after
power, she stands beside her favourite kings as
they fight. In a Sumerian poem, Inana cam-
paigns against Mount Ebih. Her journey to
Eridu to obtain me and her descent to the
underworld are both described as intended to
extend her power. Especially, [Star of Arba’il
was a war goddess for the Assyrians.

The third aspect of Inana is as the planet
Venus, the morning and evening star. ‘I am
Inana of the sunrise’, she declares in ‘Inana’s
Descent to the Underworld’. In this form she
was sometimes known under the name Nin-
sianna. Her transformation to this aspect is
celebrated in a poem composed probably in the
Kassite Period.

incense

Other myths concerning Inana are ‘Inana
and Bilulw’ (in which Inana turns the old
woman Bilulu into a waterskin, believing her
to be responsible for the death of Dumuzi);
‘Inana and Su-kale-tuda’ (concerning the gar-
dener Šu-kale-tuda), and ‘Gilgameš, Enkidu
and the Nether World’, in the first part of
which Inana transplants a sacred halub tree to
Uruk, from the wood of which her chair and
her bed are later made.

In art, Inana is usually represented as a
warrior-goddess, often winged, armed to the
hilt, or else surrounded by a nimbus of stars.
Even in this aspect she may betray — by her pos-
ture and state of dress — her réle as goddess of
sex and prostitutes. In Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian art, a female, shown full frontal
and nude or nude from the waist down, who
has wings and wears the horned cap of
divinity, probably depicts [Star more specifi-
cally in her sexual aspect.

IStar’s beast was a lion. Her usual symbol
was the star or star disc. She may also have
been symbolised for a time by the rosette.

See Anunitu; bull and ‘winged gate’; Bull
of Heaven; cow and calf; E-ana; ‘hands-of-
IStar’; Shara; La-tarak and Lulal; nude
woman; ‘omega’ symbol; sacrifice and
offering; standards, staves and sceptres of
the gods; temples and temple architecture;
Zababa.

incantations: see demons and monsters;
magic and sorcery.

incense
Incense, scattered on lighted coals in a censer
which was moved through the air to disperse a
fragrant smoke, was a regular element in Baby-
lonian religious ceremonies. Incense ‘offer-
ings’ were a normal part of sacrificial rituals,
and the use of incense was often called for in
magical rituals also. In medical practice, in-
cense, cedar resin or shavings, and other
fumigants (usually plants) or aromatics were
used as a form of fumigation.

In Old Babylonian times, a form of divina-
tion was practised in which omens were

109

87
16,41,
49

16,31

60,88

Innin

observed in the shape of the smoke rising from
the incense.

Innin: see Inana.

Isimud (Usmú)

Isimud, or in Akkadian Usmü, is a minor god
who functions as a minister to Enki/Ea. He
acts as a messenger for the god in the Sumerian
poems ‘Enki and Ninhursaga’ and ‘Inana and
Enki’ (in which he tries to persuade Inana to
return the me to her father). His name seems to
be identical with a word (occurring in both
masculine and feminine forms) explained in a
commentary as ‘with two faces’, and so he can
be identified with the two-faced deity associ-
ated in Mesopotamian art with Enki.

[Shara

IShara was a goddess who seems to have been
more closely connected with the Semitic tra-
dition than the Sumerian. Her worship may
have spread into southern Mesopotamia from
the Middle Euphrates region. She seems to
have been associated with Dagan, possibly as
his wife in one tradition. As a goddess of love,
she is equated with Ištar (Inana); in other
guises she is associated with war and with
extispicy (see divination), or else appears to be

a mother goddess. An explanation of a ritual
describes her as mother of the Sebittu or Seven
(gods). Earlier her associated animal was the
basmu snake (see snakes), replaced from late
Kassite times by the scorpion. Astronomically
IShara is the constellation Scorpius.

An important goddess of the same name was
worshipped in south-east Anatolia and north-
ern Syria, within the Hurrian pantheon. She
was associated with the underworld.

Iškur (Adad)

The god who embodied the power of storms
was known to the Sumerians as [Skur. The Ak-
kadian equivalent of this deity was Adad (also

called Addu or Adda). More at home in the .

West Semitic area was a related deity called
Wer or Mer. Most ancient Near Eastern
peoples worshipped a storm god, and Adad was
sometimes equated with the Hurrian god
TeSup or the Kassite god Buria (whose name
may be distantly connected with the Greek god
of the north wind, Boreas) (see Kassite gods).

ISkur/Adad was usually regarded as the son
of An. According to an older tradition, he was
the son of Enlil. His wife was the goddess
Sala, possibly of Hurrian origin, also treated
as the wife of Dagan. His ministers were the
pair of minor deities Sullat and Hanié.

88 The double-faced minister god Usmi ushers a bird-man into the presence of the water god Ea.

From a cylinder seal of the Akkadian Period.

Ilo

= —

39
30

45,89
31,90,
132

89 The weather
god standing on his
beast. (Jeff) Iškur or
Adad on lion-
dragon, from a
cylinder seal of the
Old Babylonian Period.
(righi) Adad on his `
bull, from a Neo-
Assyrian stela
found at Arslan
Tash.

The worship of Iškur probably goes back as
far as the Early Dynastic Period at least: the
sign for his name (the same as the sign for
‘wind’) appears in the earliest list of gods. Kar-
kara, a town in Babylonia whose name was also
written with the sign ‘wind’, was a cult centre of
Adad. Later Anu (An) and Adad shared a
double temple, with twin ziggurats, at Aššur.

While Iškur, associated with the Sumerian
south, tended to be connected with thunder-
storms, hail and flood, Adad also had a benefi-
cial aspect as a god of fruitful rain and moun-
tain streams, possibly in areas where rain was
more important for agriculture.

A representation of lightning symbolised
such storm gods. Adad might also (rarely) be
represented, it seems, by a symbol of flowing
streams. The beast of Iškur is thought to have
been the lion-dragon; that of Adad was the
lion-dragon or the bull. Storm clouds were
called Adad’s ‘bull-calves’.

See ring-staff; Sacred Marriage; stan-
dards, staves and sceptres of the gods;
wedge.

Ištar: see Inana.

Istaran

IStaran

The cult of the god Ištaran is attested from the
late (Third) Early Dynastic Period onwards. It
appears to have continued vigorously until the
Middle Babylonian Period, after which his
name no longer occurs in personal names. His
principal rôle was as local god of the town of
Dér, located on the border between Meso-
potamia and Elam, east of the Tigris. [Staran’s
wife was known simply as Sarrat-Déri, ‘Queen
of Der’, and his minister was the snake god
Nirah.

Already in the Early Dynastic Period we
hear of [Staran invoked as a god who will
adjudicate in a border dispute between the city-
states of Lagaš and Umma. It is possible that he
was invoked in this case because there was a
shrine of his in the locality: but also possible
that he was felt to be specially qualified because
of the location of his own city of Dér. Gudea,
ruler of Lagaš, mentions installing a shrine for
Ištaran in the great temple of Ningirsu at
Girsu, and speaks of the god as a deity associ-
ated with justice.

On kudurrus, Ištaran’s beast and symbol is
a snake, probably representing Nirah.

36,45

šum

Išum

Išum was a popular, if not very important god,
known from the Early Dynastic Period on-
wards. He may have been connected with the
Sumerian god Hendursağ, with whom he
shared a wife (the goddess Ninmug). Accord-
ing to one text, Šamaš (Utu) and Ninlil were
his parents.

The generally benevolent aspects of his
character include being a protective night-
watchman and a herald; he is also associated
with the underworld and the god Erra (Ner-
gal), in contrast to whose violent behaviour he
acts as a calming influence.

His name may be connected with words in
various Semitic languages meaning ‘fire’; but
he is not a god of fire (see Gibil).

No symbol of Išum is known.

journeys and processions of the gods
The gods (or rather their cult statues) were
transported about the country by chariot and by
barge (see boats of the gods; chariots of the
gods). A group of Sumerian literary composi-
tions concerns boat journeys by the gods (e.g.
‘The Journey of Nanna-Suen to Nippur’),
and there is plenty of non-literary evidence to
show that regular journeys really took place in
the Early Dynastic Period and under the Third
Dynasty of Ur. Usually they were to Nippur or
to Eridu, to obtain a ‘blessing’ from Enlil, as
head of the pantheon, or from Enki, as dis-
tributor of the me. Frequently kings repaired
or replaced the processional barge, and this
was commemorated in year-names of the
Third Dynasty of Ur (but only once there-
after).

‘The Journey of Nanna-Suen to Nippur’
describes the building of the barge, the offer-
ings that are to be taken on board for the jour-
ney, and the six stages — presumably each a
day’s travel — of the 150 km journey. At each
stage the barge is stopped and greeted by the
goddess of the town in question, who tries to
restrain Nanna-Suen from continuing on his
journey. The poem is set in a world populated
exclusively by gods: it may represent a ‘journey
of the god’, in which the god’s statue was

II2

physically transported to Nippur, but in the
poem it is presented as a ‘real’ visit by the deity
of his own volition and by his own agency.

It is possible that after the Third Dynasty of
Ur, when Sumer was increasingly occupied
with civil and inter-state war, there was no
opportunity for the splendid, leisurely pro-
gresses of the gods to continue. No year-names
after 2033 BC commemorate the building or
repairing of barges. However, transport of
divine images certainly occurred again later in
the Babylonian New Year ceremonies, when
Nabii’s statue was brought by barge from
Borsippa to Babylon, and the images of all the
gods were transported from Marduk’s temple
on wagons to the quay and then upstream by
barge to the bit akiti.

There is a text copied in the Seleucid Period
which relates the route and procedures to be
followed in a pageant of the cult statue of the
god Anu (An) at Uruk, starting at the god’s
temple and ending at the dit akiti outside the
city. On the way the procession passes the quay
where Anu’s barge is moored.

Kassite gods

The worship of various gods was introduced by
the Kassites into Babylonia and, generally
speaking, did not survive the end of their rule.
Most are known only from personal names:
Harbe (equated with Babylonian Enlil or Anu
(An));

BuriaS or Hudha (= Adad/I8kur; cf. Greek
Boreas);

Suqamuna (= Nergal, Nusku; see birds) and
Sumalia;

Šuriaš or Sah (= Šamaš (Utu));

Bugaš;

Maruttaš (= Ninurta);

Šipak;

Turgu.

Ki is the Sumerian word for earth, and was
sometimes personified as a goddess and female
counterpart to An (heaven). In some Sumerian

90 A carved kudurru with symbols of different
gods, found at Sippar. The inscription on the
other side of the stone records a grant of land
and privileges from the Babylonian king
Nebuchadnezzar 1 (reigned 1125-1104 BC).
The carved images were thought to invoke the
protection of the legal arrangements by the
deities symbolised. Ht. 0.56 mm.

kudurrus

accounts, An copulates with Ki to produce a
variety of plants. An and Ki themselves were

thought to be the offspring of the goddess

Nammu (representing the subterranean
waters).

Kingu: see Qingu.
KiSar: see AnSar and KiSar.
Kittu and MiSaru: see good and evil.

kudurrus

Kudurrus are large polished stones carrying in-
scriptions concerning land grants, usually in-
volving the crown, or land sales. They are often
of hard stone, including black basalt; there are
rare examples of rather smaller but related
monuments of baked clay. Those kudurrus
known from excavations were found mostly
in temples, standing as records of the royal
grants, but it is supposed that these represent
replicas of such stones placed on the
boundaries of the land allotments themselves
(hence the term ‘boundary stone’ as a common
translation of kudurru). The stones have been
found only in the south of Mesopotamia. They
were perhaps introduced by the Kassites
and were used from that time down to the Neo-
Babylonian Period (seventh century BC).
Although the form was not adopted by the
Assyrians in the north, after the time of the fall
of Assyria no further kudurrus are known.

Onthe upper parts of kudurrus or on one face
were symbols of deities which were apparently
supposed to solemnise the agreements. Dire
curses upon those who broke the agreements
were included in the text, made in the names of
other gods (never those whose symbols are de-
picted).

On some of the stones the symbols are
‘labelled’ with the names of the deities they
represent, which is a valuable source for
identification of the meaning of such symbols
(see Introduction). Kudurrus with such
labelling are among those looted from Baby-
lonia in antiquity by the Elamites and dis-
covered in excavations at the Elamite city of

113

152

kur

Susa: it has been suggested that the labels
were added by the Elamites as a ‘key’ to the
symbols of the Babylonian gods. Some of the
symbols may represent constellations (see
rainbow).

It has been thought by some that the positions
of the symbols on the stones were related to the
relative ranking of the deities shown, and even
if not a deliberate and conscious procedure, a
rough correlation is likely because the more
important deities would come to mind first, the
less important being added lower down on the
stone if space permitted. If true, the suggestion
has implications for the detailed recon-
struction of Babylonian theological changes
and shifts of power of different interest groups
attached to the various temples.

The term ‘ancient kudurrus’ is used by
scholars to refer to land exchange transactions
of the Early Dynastic Period which bear no
relation to the later Babylonian kudurrus
proper.

kur

The word kur in Sumerian has two separate
meanings. One of these is ‘mountain’ or, more
generally, the ‘mountains’, especially the Za-
gros Mountains to the east of Mesopotamia.
Because of this it can also refer to a ‘foreign
land’ (other than Sumer) or in the plural to
‘foreign countries’, since the foreign countries
with which Sumerians had to do, whether in
war or in peaceful trade contacts, were above all
those in or beyond the Zagros Mountains.

The second meaning of kur (which may be in
origin a completely different word, a cognate of
Ki, ‘earth’) is ‘earth, ground’, and in particular
kur is one of the names for the world under the
ground we live on: the underworld or abode
of the dead.

Although there are no grounds for positing a
Sumerian belief that the underworld was
located in the mountains, it was probably
believed that the entrance to the #ur (under-
world) was located in the mountains to the east
of Mesopotamia where the sun could be seen
to emerge every morning. Certainly in some
myths the mountains (kur) are treated as an

114

other-worldly locale in the same way as the
underworld (kur) in other myths is an other-
world which deities try to visit or to obtain
power over.

Labbu: see TiSpak.

lahama

Among the creatures associated with the
Sumerian god Enki are the ‘fifty /ahama of the
engur (engur is a synonym of abzu). They are
among the creatures sent to try to recover the
me from Inana in the myth ‘Inana and Enk’.
They were especially associated with the abzu
and with Eridu, but it is not known in what
form they were imagined.

A secondary use of the term /ahama in
Sumerian seems to refer to guardian figures
(statues) which stood in the gateways of great
temples such as the E-kur in Nippur or the
E-ninnu at Girsu. These are also sometimes
called ‘ahama of the abzw. Again it is not
known in what form they were represented.

The word lahama is borrowed from Old Ak-
kadian /ahmum (probably meaning ‘hairy’).

See Lahmu.

91 The god Lahmu (‘Hairy’) more than holds
his own with a fierce lion. Modern impression
from rolling a cylinder seal of the Neo-
Babylonian Period. The inscription is a
dedication of the seal ‘for his life’ to the god
Nabû by one Naba-Sarhi-ilani, brewer for the
temple of Marduk. Ht.44mm.

16,73,
92,95

Lahmu
Lahmu (‘Hairy’) is the name of a protective
and beneficent deity, originally associated
with Enki/Ea, later associated with Marduk.
Figurines of the god, whowas represented with
long hair and beard (often with four or six large
curls), were used in the Neo-Assyrian Period as
foundation deposits to ward off demons and
sickness. In art this figure (inappropriately
termed the ‘Nude Hero’) is often closely
associated with the kusarikku (see bull-man).

In the Babylonian Epic of Creation, Lahmu
and Lahamu are a male and female pair of pri-
mordial deities (see AnSar and KiSar). Their
names are probably derived from the same root
(and do not mean ‘muddy’ as was formerly
believed).

See lahama; /ahamu under Tiamat’s crea-
tures; vase with streams.

lama (lamassu)

The Sumerian term Jama (Akkadian lamassu)
refers to a beneficent protective female deity,
imagined as human in form. Generally such
a deity was anonymous. (The corresponding
male deity was called alad, Akkadian sédu.)

In Neo-Sumerian, Old Babylonian, Kassite
and Neo-Babylonian art such goddesses are
depicted in a quite consistent form, usually
introducing worshippers into the presence of
important deities, and wearing a long, often
flounced skirt, with one or both hands raised in
supplication to the major god.

Later, the related term aladlammii (if that
is the correct reading of the cuneiform) seems
to have been used to designate the winged
human-headed bull and lion colossi which
guarded the gateways of Assyrian palaces and
temples. The corresponding winged female
human-headed colossi were called apsasi. (See
bulls and lions with human head.)

Lamaštu

Although she is usually described in modern
works as a ‘demoness’, the writing of the name
of LamaStu in cuneiform suggests that in
Babylonia and Assyria she was regarded as a

Lamastu

92 A stone stela carved with the figure of a
lamassu, one of a pair that probably flanked the
entrance to a shrine. Kassite Period. Ht.0.84m.

—

lamp

kind of goddess. As a daughter of Anu (An),
she was above the common run of ‘evil’ de-
mons. Unlike such demons, who acted only on
the commands of the gods, Lamaétu practised
evil apparently for its own sake — and on her
own initiative.

Lama&gtu’s principal victims were unborn
and newly born babies: both miscarriage and
cot death were attributed to her. Slipping into
the house of a pregnant woman, she tries to
touch the woman’s stomach seven times to kill
the baby, or she ‘kidnaps the child from the wet
nurse’. Magical measures against LamaStu in-
cluded the wearing by a pregnant woman of a
bronze head of Pazuzu (see amulets). Offer-
ings of creatures and objects (such as
centipedes and brooches) were made to tempt
Lamaštu away. The so-called ‘LamaStu
plaques’ of metal or stone which often depict
her doubtless also had a magically protective
purpose. Lamaitu is shown being forced back
to the underworld by Pazuzu. On these
plaques, however, we see a bed-ridden man
rather than a pregnant woman, so the plaques
seem to relate to another function of Lamastu,
as a bringer of disease.

Lamaštu is described as having the head of a
lion, the teeth of a donkey, naked breasts, a
hairy body, hands stained (with blood?), long
fingers and finger nails, and the feet of Anza
(Imdugud), that is, bird talons. Thus too, in
the art of the ninth to seventh centuries BC, she
is depicted, also with upright ears which re-
semble those of a donkey (see donkey ears). A
piglet and a whelp suckle at her breasts; she
holds snakes in her hands. Like other deities
(see beasts of the gods; boats of the gods) she
has her distinctive animal, a donkey, and her
boat, in which she floats along the river of the
underworld.

93 A lamp,
symbol of Nusku.

116

lamp

The lamp occurs as a divine symbol from the
Kassite to the Neo-Babylonian Periods, and is
identified on the kudurrus as a symbol of the
god Nusku.

Las: see Nergal.

La-tarak and Lulal

Either Lulal is a Sumerian god and La-tarak is
an Akkadian name for the same deity, or the
two gods were originally distinct but closely
related. In the later second millennium Bc
Lulal and La-tarak were treated as a pair, and
in Neo-Assyrian times figurines of them were

151

buried at doorways as magically protective de- .

ities. It has been suggested that they might be
represented visually at this time as respectively
an anthropomorphic god with raised fist (see
Smiting god) and a lion-headed human-
bodied figure cloaked in a lion’s pelt and carry-
ing a whip. In a magical text they are

listed among deities
protective against
witchcraft.

94 A ‘lion-genius’,
possibly the god
La-tarak, with whip.
Detail from a
cylinder seal of the
Neo-Assyrian Period.

Lulal is connected with the city of Bad-tibira
and in the Sumerian poem ‘Inana’s Descent to
the Underworld’, Lulal has a close but unclear
relationship to Inana. He seems to have been a
warrior god, but is also connected with dom-
estic animals.

The meaning of both names is uncertain:
La-tarāk is probably connected with a word
meaning ‘whipping.

136
94
24

lecanomancy: see divination.

letters to gods

Just as some Sumerian literary compositions
purport to be letters sent by one famous king to
another, or from a hero or mythical sage to
another, others are composed in the form of a
letter addressed by their authors to gods, or to
deified kings. They are composed in ornate
artistic language to incorporate some special
request, and although they may originally have
been composed for a specific occasion, these
‘letter-prayers’ seem to have been absorbed
into the literary tradition.

Two letters to gods are known from the Old
Babylonian Period at Mari in Syria, and others
are known also from Neo-Assyrian times. Of
three surviving, the most famous is in the form
ofa letter addressed to the god ASSur, the gods
and goddesses of the city, the city itself and its
people, and its king, Sargon II, containing an
account (narrated by the king in the first per-
son) of his eighth campaign (in 714BC). These
Neo-Assyrian letters to gods are each pre-
served in one text only, presumably the original
which was actually offered in the god’s temple
and preserved there as a record — as much for
future human readers as for the information of
the god himself — of the king’s activities as
priest of the god Aššur.

libanomancy: see divination.

95 A worshipper,
ushered into the
presence of a seated
god, pours a libation
upon an altar before
him. From a cylinder
seal of the Akkadian
Period, found at
Nippur.

Libation

libation

The practice of libation — pouring out a liquid
for ritual purposes — was an essential ac-
companiment to all forms of sacrifice and
offering in ancient Mesopotamia. Sometimes
cool water from a well, or holy water, was
libated to the gods. In Babylonian ritual offer-
ings to the dead, it seems that only water was
used. In other rituals it was much more
common to pour beer and wine (see alcohol),
and sometimes milk, honey, oil or cream were
added to these. One ritual to counteract night-
mares Calls for the libation of vinegar.

The liquid(s) were poured onto the ground,
all around the sacrificer, from a cup, bowl or
flask, sometimes made of precious materials; or
else onto the head ofa sacrificial sheep, or into
a river Or Spring, or into a second vessel, or at a
gateway. Libations to the dead were poured
down a clay tube inserted into the ground.
Normally the libation would be made before
the cult statue of the god, or else in front of the
incense burner or the brazier, sometimes
immediately after censing or, in a sacrifice,
after the presentation to the god of the meat
offerings.

Unlike the various sacrificial foods, which
were actually redistributed to the temple staff
afterwards, libated liquids were not recover-
able. In the case of libations to the dead, the
ritual act probably was thought to be a way of
giving them a drink. In hot countries the first

21,90,

96,15

10,89,

lightning

act of hospitality is to offer cool water. How-
ever, the very ancient practice of pouring drink
offerings onto the ground may be connected
with an idea of sacred wastefulness.

See animal sacrifice.

lightning (symbol)
The representation of a single lightning flash
(zigzag line), found very rarely in the art of the
Akkadian and Old Babylonian Periods, appar-
ently gave way in the latter period to the
double- or triple-lightning fork, which occurs
thereafter until Neo-Babylonian times. It
should be distinguished from the fork or tri-
dent. As is known from inscriptional evidence,
it was at all times and in all regions a symbol of
the storm god, whether Adad (Iškur) in
Assyria or some localised deity. Sometimes it
was held as an attribute by the god. On a
famous monumental relief
carving of the Neo-Assyrian
Period, the god Ninurta(?)
holds triple-lightning symbols,
perhaps because he has
taken over a mythical rôle once
attributed to Adad (see Asag).

See ring-staff.

96 Forked lightning, symbol of
the weather god.

Lil: see Sul-pa-e.

lilitu

The male /ili and the two females lilitu and
ardat-lili are a sort of family group of demons.
They are not gods. The /i/ haunts desert and
open country and is especially dangerous to
pregnant women and infants. The /ilitu seems
to be a female equivalent, while the ardat-lili
(whose name means ‘maiden %10) seems to
have the character of a frustrated bride, incap-
able of normal sexual activity. As such, she
compensates by aggressive behaviour especi-
ally towards young men. The ardat-lili, who is
often mentioned in magical texts, seems to have
some affinities with the Jewish Lilith (e.g.

Isaiah 34:14). ‘She is not a wife, a mother; she
has not known happiness, has not undressed in
front of her husband, has no milk in her
breasts.’ She was believed to cause impotence
in men and sterility in women.

A plaque thought possibly to depict her
shows a scorpion-tailed she-wolf about to de-
vour a young girl.

See nude woman.

lion
The last lion in Mesopotamia was killed in the
twentieth century AD, although the exact date is
disputed. Until the end of the third millen-
nium BC lions were common throughout the
country. Thereafter they are not much men-
tioned in southern Mesopotamia, although on
the Middle Euphrates and in Assyria they re-
mained such a nuisance that lion-hunting,
made famous by the Assyrian kings (see
animal sacrifice), was a genuine necessity. In
the Babylonian Epic of Gilgameš, the gods
discuss whether a plague of lions would not
have been a more appropriate chastisement of
mankind than the Flood.

In literature, the lion is a favourite metaphor
for warlike kings and fierce deities, especially
Ninurta or Inana. A popular saying was: ‘He
who seizes the tail
of a lion will
drown in the river;
he who seizes the
tail of a fox will
be saved.’

97 This colossal
stone lion
originally stood
in the temple of
Enki at Eridu. It
probably dates to
the Neo-
Sumerian Period.
Ht1.64m.

`°
_

frontis.

—

As far as the Sumerians were concerned, the
lion was grouped together with dogs and
wolves as a ‘canine’, rather than as a feline.

Two gigantic stone lions guarded the en-
trance to Enki’s temple E-abzu at Eridu: one
of these is now in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad,
while only fragments of the other were recov-
ered. In the poem ‘Inana and Enki’, Enki
entertains his daughter Inana to a beer-
drinking party ‘in front of the lions’. In the
Neo-Assyrian Period rhyta with their bases
shaped in the form of a lion’s (or a ram’s) head,
were luxury drinking vessels.

A standing lion surmounting a standard is
depicted on Sumerian stelae and on seal im-
pressions of the time of the Third Dynasty of
Ur. Since all the relevant material comes from
the city of Girsu, the lion-standard has been
regarded as an emblem of the god Ningirsu.

The lion is known in the Akkadian Period as
the attribute of a goddess, usually a heavily
armed deity, perhaps Ištar (Inana) in her guise
as warrior-goddess. Monumental stone lions
of King Assurnasirpal II of Assyria (reigned
883-859BC) were dedicated to an aspect of
[Star and placed at the gateway to her temple at
Kalhu (modern Nimrud), and it is probably she
who is represented as standing on a lion on the
seventh-century BC Maltai rock panels. On the
same reliefs Mullissu (Ninlil) is enthroned on
a lion. The lion also seems at least in the Neo-
Assyrian Period to have been associated with
the goddess Damkina (Damgalnuna).

98 A ‘lion-centaur’
(urmahlulli) attacks
the demon Mukil-
ré§-lemutti, shown
in the form of a lion.
From a cylinder seal
of the Middle
Assyrian Period.

lion-demon

On a ‘Cappadocian’ seal (that is, from the
Old Assyrian trading colony in Anatolia), the
lion is associated with a male deity who holds
the fork emblem.

In the Neo-Assyrian Period, the natural lion
is also a generally magically protective type,
known as urguli#. An evil demon who lay in
wait in washrooms was envisaged in the form of
a lion (see lion-centaur).

The constellation called Lion corresponds
to our constellation Leo (see zodiac).

See bulls and lions with human head.

lion-centaur

The so-called lion-centaur of Middle Assyr-
ian and Neo-Assyrian art is a hybrid creature
with a lion’s lower body (including all four
legs), and the head, upper body and arms and
hands of a man. He often wears the horned
cap of divinity. The creature’s name was
urmahlulli, ‘ion-man’.

Representations of him were placed outside
ablutions rooms, where he fended off the
attacks of the leonine demon Mukil-rés-lemutti,
‘Evil attendant’.

See merman and mermaid.

lion-demon

A human-bodied hybrid figure with the head
of a lion, upright ears (see donkey ears) and
the feet of a bird is present in Mesopotamian art
from the Old Babylonian Period (and with
more leonine features from the Akkadian

98, 99

lion-demon

99 ‘Lion-demons’ and a ‘lion-centaur’ threaten and bar the way to evil forces. A monumental stone
relief which stood in a niche in a room of the royal palace of the Assyrian king Assurbanipal (reigned
668—c.627BC) at Nineveh. Ht.1.47m.

120

4,32,
151

100

100 A so-called
‘lion-dragon’ or
‘lion-griffin’. Detail from
the carving on a kudurru of
the late Kassite Period.

Period) until the Persian conquest, when it
passed into Achaemenid, and then Seleucid,
art. The demon most often (and always in the
first millennium BC) raises one hand with a
dagger and holds in the other, lowered, hand a
mace. His torso is generally naked. Usually he
wears a short kilt, but when he is fully naked he
has a curly lion’s tail.

At least for the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian Periods, the type can be certainly
identified as the ugallu, ‘big weather-creature’,
a beneficent demon protective against evil de-
mons and illnesses. He is depicted on Neo-
Assyrian palace reliefs, and clay figurines of
him were among those placed in houses or
buried in the foundations in magically protec-
tive rituals (see demons and monsters). He is
often associated with the figure of the Smiting
god. On Old Babylonian seals, however, he
often holds a man upside down by one leg, and
is associated with the ‘god with scimitar’, prob-
ably the underworld god Nergal. It has been
suggested therefore that at this early time he
represents an attendant of Nergal, and is a
bringer of disease.

lion-dragon
The lion-dragon (or lion-griffin) with lion’s
foreparts and bird’s hind-legs, tail and wings

lion-headed bird

is represented from the Akkadian Period
down to the Neo-Babylonian, including on
an Assyrian wall-relief from the Temple of 6,117
Ninurta at Kalhu (modern Nimrud). As the
creature is often clearly male, suggested iden-
tifications as LamaStu and Tiamat can be dis-
counted. It is possible that the monster is the
Asakku (Asag) or the Anzai (Imdugud). A re-
cent suggestion makes the creature sometimes
the (amu) na@iru, ‘roaring (weather-beast)’, the
animal of the god [Skur; this would account
for the beast’s wide-open mouth. A slightly 132
variant horned lion-dragon with scorpion tail
is found in Neo-Assyrian art. On the rock re-
liefs, probably of Sennacherib, at Maltai, three 31
different gods stand upon such a beast, prob-
ably ASSur, Sin (Nanna-Suen) and Adad
(iSkur).

See griffin.

lion-fish
A motif on Old Babylonian seals is a figure

with the head ofa lion and the body ofa fish. Its 53
significance is unknown.

lion-garbed figure: see La-tarak and Lulal.

lion-headed bird: see Imdugud.

I2I

45, 89,

101

lion-headed staves

lion-headed staves: see standards, staves and
sceptres of the gods.

lion-humanoid

In Kassite, Neo-Assyrian and Seleucid art we
find, if rarely, a minor deity (in horned cap),
human above the waist but with two lion’s legs
and lion’s hind-quarters, including a curled-
over lion’s tail. Figurines of the type are some-
times paired with those of a bull-man and
the creature may similarly be associated with
Sama’ (Utu). In any event he seems to be a
late invention based upon the bull-man and
the scorpion-man. He is a protective figure.
His Akkadian name seems to have been
uridimmu, which could be translated as ‘mad
lion’ (literally, ‘mad canine’).

lion with human head: see bulls and lions
with human head.

Lisin

The goddess Lisin, together with her brother
Agi, was worshipped in the Sumerian cities of
Adab and Keš. Her husband was Ninsikila, but
later his name was misinterpreted as that of a
goddess, and Lisin was accordingly treated as a
god. In Sumerian times she was sometimes
called ‘Mother Lisin’ and, as a mother god-
dess, was either equated with Ninhursaga or
regarded as a daughter of Ninhursaga. As the
name of a star, Lisin is a Scorpionis.

lists of gods

Detailed lists of gods were prepared by the
peoples of ancient Mesopotamia for pedagogic
use in the training of scribes; clearly they are
also extremely useful to us for collecting
information about Mesopotamian religion.
Already in the early third millennium Bc tra-
ditional lists were being recorded in writing:
sometimes arranged by graphic principles,
but more often arranged according to the
theological importance of the gods listed, and

so of great interest. Some lists have an explana- -

tory subcolumn giving extra details about the
divinities, and the largest list gives the names
of nearly 2,000 gods. Typically they are

122

we ee

101 A leonine human figure as protective
demon. Drawing of a (now lost) monumental
stone relief found at Nineveh in the royal palace
of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria (668—c.6278C).
Drawn by W. Boutcher, artist to the archae-
ological excavations, in ¢.1854.

arranged with the deity followed by his or her
spouse, then their eldest son, his wife and
family and attendants, then the rest of their
offspring, and finally the ‘courtiers’ (minister,
administrator, throne-bearer, gatekeeper — all
gods) of the principal pair. It is fascinating to
study the reordering of these lists as the
theological ranking of the gods changes with
the passage of time, as minor gods become
amalgamated into one personality, or as epi-
thets of major divinities are separated off and
invested with divine status of their own. Some
deities even change sex.
See pantheon.

local gods

One of the most ancient features of Meso-
potamian religion was the survival of local gods
and goddesses — deities special to individual
towns or villages. The sense of place was
highly developed among the peoples of ancient
Mesopotamia and it is entirely in keeping with
the original development of urban settlement
in this part of the world that local deities -
urban religion—should bea feature of the pan-
theon. Generally speaking a deity is identified
as special to a particular town if the town is
associated with his or her name in epithets, if
there is a temple to them in the town, if
administrative or other documents reveal the
existence of a localised cult to them, or if per-
sonal names incorporating the name of the
deity are specially common in a particular area.
There are very few Mesopotamian deities who
are not specially associated with some town or
other where their cult was pre-eminent, but
whereas some remained minor gods whose cult
was later eclipsed, others rose in stature from
local to national deities. The process of politi-
cal development played its part in this: a city
which became the capital of an empire would
export the cult of its local gods.

In some cities a group of local deities —
sometimes linked together in family relation-
ships — was worshipped. The Early Dynastic
Sumerian city-state of Lagaš provides a good
example of this, where a complex localised
pantheon consisting of two family groups
developed, probably derived from the fusing of
cults local to the town and villages which made
up the city-state:

Enki Enlil = Ninhursaga An

Nindara = Nanše

Ninmar Šul-šagana Ig-alima
(Specifically local deities are in italics,
although some of these were also worshipped
elsewhere.)

At other cities, the local deity had no more

Ningirsu = Bau Gatumdug Ninazu

Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea

individuality than a name based on that of the
geographical locality, such as Sarrat-Déri,
‘Queen of Dér’, or Bel-Më- Turan, ‘Lord of
Mé-Turan’. Some deities appear to have had
several local cults, for example Inana of Uruk,
Inana of Zabala, [star (Inana) of Arba’il, [Star
of Nineveh and Ištar of Agade, a situation
which may have developed from an identifica-
tion of originally local deities with more pre-
stigious national gods.
See temples and temple architecture.

love charms: see magic and sorcery.
lozenge: see rhomb.

Lugalbanda

The hero Lugalbanda was a deified king of the
Sumerian city of Uruk. His wife was the god-
dess Ninsun. In most literary traditions they
were regarded as the parents of Gilgameš.
Lugalbanda is mentioned together with Nin-
sun in a list of gods as early as the Early Dyn-
astic Period, and a short fragment of a literary
composition about him dates from the same
period. All the kings of the Third Dynasty of
Ur sacrificed to the divine Lugalbanda at Nip-
pur, and in the praise poetry addressed to these
kings it is common to find Lugalbanda and
Ninsun described as the king’s divine ‘parents’
(which made Gilgameš the king’s brother).
Lugalbanda was also worshipped at Kuara near
Uruk and at Umma.

In two heroic narrative poems, Lugalbanda
succeeds in crossing dangerous mountains on
his own, despite a near-fatal illness, and he
clearly has a special connection with Inana.
The Sumerian King List describes him as a
shepherd who ruled Uruk for 1,200 years.

Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea

Lugal-irra was a minor god whose name prob-
ably means ‘mighty lord’ and who was
identified with Nergal in late tradition. To-
gether with his twin, the god Meslamta-ea,
Lugal-irra was worshipped at Kisiga, a town in
northern Babylonia. Perhaps originally they

123

102

103

Lulal

102 (right) The
gods Lugal-irra
and Meslamta-
ea, the ‘Great
Twins’. From a
chalcedony
amuletic pendant
of the Neo-
Assyrian Period.
103 (far right)
The ‘Figure with
mace’ on a
cylinder seal of
the Old Baby-
lonian Period.

were thought to stand at the entrance to the
underworld ready to dismember the dead as
they entered: certainly they were considered to
be efficacious in guarding doorways, and in
Neo-Assyrian times small images of them were
buried at entrances, Lugal-irra on the left and
Meslamta-ea on the right, identical figures in
horned caps each carrying an axe and a mace.

Astronomically, Lugal-irra and Meslamta-
ea were named the Great Twins (Gemini).
(The name Lugal-irra was formerly read
Lugalgirra.)

Lulal: see La-tarak and Lulal.

mace

A common representation on seals of the Old
Babylonian and Kassite Periods is a male
figure with prominent splayed beard, wearing
a rounded cap and short wrap-around robe
knotted on one hip. He strikes a distinctive
posture: head and lower body in profile, farther
leg forward, upper body twisted to a three-
quarter view, one arm held loose by the side,
the other bent at the elbow with the hand held
majestically to the lower chest (in the style of

124

the Roman toga-wearer). In this hand the
figure often, but not always, carries a mace,
probably a mark of his authority. It has been
thought that the figure represents a god (Ilaba,
NinSubur (god), Martu or any local god), or,
since he often stands upon a podium, the cult
statue of a god. More recently he has usually
been designated as the ‘Figure (rather than
god) with mace’ and interpreted as a
generalised representation of the king or of a
deified former king.
See lion-demon;
Meslamta-ea.

Lugal-irra and

magic and sorcery

Magic was a normal aspect of life in ancient
Mesopotamia, and did not belong to a disap-
proved area. In a world in which one was inter-
minably threatened by supernatural demons
and by human sorcerers, and hemmed about by
taboos and oaths, and where past, present and
future were inextricably interrelated by the
observation of (sometimes avertible) portents, it
was normal to use white magical means, among
others, to bring comfort and, possibly, heal-
ing. However, sorcery (deliberately harmful

104

black magic) was regarded as evil because of its
social effects, but very probably its methods
were the same as those used in standard
magical practice.

Magic was used to insure against, to drive
away or to overcome demons; to undo the bad
effects of certain ‘sinful’ actions (usually social
misdemeanours); to counteract the potential
effects of certain portended events; to increase
sexual potency (see prostitution and ritual
sex); to secure the favours of a loved one; to
quieten squalling infants; and, among many
other functions, to frustrate the activity of hos-
tile sorcerers.

‘These practices presuppose certain views of
the world, namely that there is a host of demons
who cause ills of all sorts, especially sickness;
that human beings can bring ‘sin’ (Akkadian
arnu and other words, envisaged as a sort
of illness) upon themselves by unwittingly

magic and sorcery

infringing taboos or committing ‘sinful’ acts,
or disturbing the world order; that they can be
bewitched by other humans; and that when ill
portents are divined, their ill effect can be dis-
sipated in advance by magic, that is, that the
predetermined future can to some extent be
redetermined.

Clearly the practice of magic is very close to
both medicine and divination, and sometimes
difficult to separate from them (see diseases
and medicine). Medicine — ‘scientific’,
surgical, herbal — certainly existed, but (since
the cause of sickness was often thought to be
demons) magic was often used in addition to
decoctions, poultices, ointments, enemas, etc.
They were carried out by the same person, the
asipu. Another specialist, the as#, was more
specifically a physician. Divination was carried
out by the diviner, but an dsipu was needed to
avert the effects of ill portents. Asipa might be

104 A reconstruction, in a painting by H. M. Herget, ofa ritual scene that might have taken place in
Assryia or Babylonia in about the 7th century Bc. A priest attends a sick man, while fish-garbed figures
(real or imagined) protect and purify. A diviner consults a model of a sheep’s liver. See ill. 151.

125

magic and sorcery

attached to temples as part of their clergy. (See
priests and priestesses.)

The forms in. which Babylonian magic
survives to us are incantations or spells in
Sumerian, Akkadian and sometimes other lan-
guages such as Elamite or Hurrian, sometimes
garbled but rarely complete mumbo jumbo;
‘rituals’, that is, systematic descriptions (ad-
dressed to the magician) of the actions to be
followed, including a list of the incantations to
be used at certain points, said either by the
magician or by the ‘patient’; amulets, usually
inscribed with excerpts from well-known in-
cantations and worn around the neck, or
occasionally hung on the wall of a house; and
apotropaic figurines.

The very earliest incantations which survive
date from the Early Dynastic Period, about
2400 BC, but are very difficult to read unless a
clearer duplicate text of later date gives assist-
ance. Some are intended to protect against
snake-bite, against scorpions, to assist in
childbirth or to consecrate objects used in
magical rituals, and they are important mainly
as they presuppose the existence of such rituals
already at this date. By the Old Babylonian
Period it is clear that the process had begun by
which individual incantations in Sumerian
were grouped together according to their
function or the demons they were intended to
give protection against. The first Akkadian
interlinear translations also date from this
period. This is not to imply that magical prac-
tices were already becoming matters merely of
curiosity — far from it— but it does show that the
magical literature had by then entered the
stream of written tradition, as well as being
handed on by word of mouth.

Broadly speaking, four types of incantation
can be distinguished. First, those in which
the magician, often addressing the demons
directly, legitimates himself as the representa-
tive of those gods especially associated with
white magic (Enki/Ea, his wife Damkina, and
Asarluhi — a god of Kuara near Eridu, later
considered as Enki’s son and hence identified
with Marduk) in order to protect himself
against the demons during the course of the

126

ritual. These generally end ‘Be conjured by
heaven! Be conjured by the underworld!’
Second, incantations designed to protect lay
persons from the attacks of demons: the de-
mons are first described, then banished. The
third type of incantation also begins with a de-
tailed description of the demons and what they
have done. Ina short narrative section, Marduk
‘notices’ and goes to his father Ea for advice.
Ea replies in a formulaic phrase, ‘My son, what
is there that you don’t know? What can I add?
All that I know, you also know’, but goes on to
give appropriate ritual advice. The ritual pro-
cedure is thus encapsulated in the text of the
incantation itself. In medical incantations, the
narrative section is regularly absent because
the ritual procedure to be followed is abstrac-
ted and recorded separately; but it was
obviously a convenient way of preserving the
correct ritual when the magical tradition was
transmitted entirely by memorisation. Finally,
there is a type of incantation addressed not to
demons or to gods of white magic but to the
cultic objects that are to be used in the ritual. By
being ‘enchanted’ the objects become more
effective in their magical function. These are
generally a variety of perfectly ordinary
objects: the stove or brazier with the fire in,
onions, branches of dates, reed matting, a flock
of wool, goat’s hair, red-dyed wool, flour,
tamarisk branches, reeds, salt, cedar or juni-
per, aromatic resins, incense, sea water and so
on.

One of the best-preserved Babylonian
magical collections is that called Surpu (‘burn-
ing’), also one of the most interesting in con-
tent. Šurpu is performed when the magician’s
client does not know by what act or omission he
has offended the gods and disturbed the world
order. The client, or patient, has come to the
magician ‘in a critical state, worried, sleepless,
ill’, sometimes convulsing, foaming at the
mouth, struck dumb, or suffering from head-
aches—symptoms some of which we might refer
to a psychiatrist. In the ritual all possible ‘sins’
are exhaustively enumerated, including the
effects of the ‘oath’ — either a broken oath
returning in the form of a curse, or an oath

sworn in good faith but arousing thereby
magical powers which could be sources of evil.
‘The ‘burning’ is a part of the ritual in which
the patient peels an onion into the fire, strips
dates from a branch into the fire or unravels
matting into the fire, all the while reciting in-
cantations in which the ‘undoing’ of his sins is
compared to the activity he is performing. Fin-
ally the magician extinguishes the fire, and the
sins. Clearly, to the extent that the patient’s
troubles are psychological in origin, the ritual
might have a calming effect on him.

Quite different in nature are the incantation
rituals called in Akkadian namburbi, which are
intended to undo or avert the effect of future
evil detected in advance by portents (see divi-
nation). Typically a namburbi ritual involves a
sequence of five rites. First, enclosure rites are
performed, designed to separate off the ritual
site from the world outside, perhaps by per-
forming them inside a reed hut, or by de-
limiting the area with a magic circle. Then,
in purification rites, the patient is washed,
bathed, shaved; tamarisk is used to asperge
and incense to fumigate; the area is swept
clean, possibly a goat is sacrificed (see animal
sacrifice); a copper bell is rung and a drum
beaten. Next, food and aromatics are offered to
the gods and to the deified River (because it
will carry away waste matter). The principal
rites are apotropaic and might consist of the
destruction, for instance, of an ominous, mon-
strous animal birth; the sealing up of a doorway
(with bat’s blood, crushed spider and fly, and
scorpion); substitution or simulation, e.g.
making an image where the object concerned is
itself inaccessible, or touching parts of a build-
ing as a symbolic destroying of the whole of an
accursed house. The final rites involve further
purification, unravelling plants, or actions
restoring the patient to the outside world again
(he is told not to look round as he leaves, or is
told to go and enter a tavern), and magical pre-
scriptions to be followed for a particular period
{to avoid garlic, to wear a special necklace for
seven days).

Some aspects of these rites recur in the long
nocturnal ritual known as Magli (also meaning

magic and sorcery

‘burning’), performed when the patient is con-
vinced he has been bewitched. The text is
always careful to specify ‘sorcerer or sorceress’
but the verb forms are usually feminine, sug-
gesting that fear of witches was more prevalent
than fear of wizards. ‘She goes about in the
street, enters houses . . . stands in the street. By
her look she has taken the pleasure of a young
woman ... When the sorceress saw me, she
walked behind me; she crossed my path with
her magic; she has taken away my (personal)
god and goddess’, and so on. Figurines of wax,
wood, dough, bitumen or clay are melted or
burnt in the fire — representing, of course, the
sorcerer. The incantations are addressed to the
gods of the night, the fire god Gibil or other
gods, or else to the sorcerers themselves.

The above are merely examples from the
copious magical literature. One question
prompted by study of the literature is who
exactly used these rituals, who resorted to the
services of the magician? Certainly there is no
doubt that some of the very long and compli-
cated rituals were performed only for socially
very highly placed, perhaps wealthy, people.
One cannot imagine that the magicians gave so
much of their time and skill free of charge.
Certain of the rituals were specifically envis-
aged for the king — for instance those designed
to ward off the evil portended by lunar eclipses
(see human sacrifice), since celestial omens
typically concerned the king or the state
directly. At the other end of the scale, we can
probably say that all classes regarded the use of
magic as more or less normal, and shared the
view of the world which made its practice pos-
sible. But for most of these people we have no
surviving evidence. We know nothing, either,
of the practices of sorcerers and how sorcery
was carried out. It may have been very similar to
the magic used to counteract it, or it may have
been less refined and more simple.

A development can be recognised in the his-
tory of Babylonian and Assyrian magical prac-
tices. The gradual grouping of related incan-
tations, already referred to, into collections
(so-called ‘series’) presupposes more than
mere editorial activity on the part of magician

127

magic circle

scholars, since the series are organised into,
and accompanied by directions for, complex
rituals in which the sequence of actions and
incantations is crucially important. The in-
cantations have been gathered from various
sources and woven into a ritual sequence in the
belief that proliferation of the magic would
make it more effective. A single example may be
given: two copies of the ‘same’ ritual exist,
separated by a thousand years, in which the
number of paraphernalia required, in this case
cylinder seals hung around the neck of the
patient, has been increased from one to nine,
evidently in the belief that the magic would
thereby become the more powerful.

magic circle

In magical rituals it is common to demarcate a
circle by sprinkling a trickle of flour on the
ground (Akkadian isurrii, literally ‘flour
which makes a boundary’). The patient or, if
the patient is too ill to move, the patient’s bed,
may be surrounded by such a magic circle.
Ritual actions are carried out inside the circle,
and magical figurines may be surrounded with
a circle of flour. It is said that the power of the
circle is such that certain demons cannot enter
it, and in commentaries the circle is ‘explained’
as symbolising certain protective deities.

In other rituals-a magic circle might be
painted in whitewash or dark wash to the left
and right of a doorway, for apotropaic pur-
poses.

magical figurines: see building rites and
deposits; demons and monsters; figurines.

Magillum-boat: see boat with human head;
Slain Heroes.

Maltese cross: see cross.

Mami (Mama): see mother goddesses and
birth goddesses.

Mamitu: see Nergal.

128

Mamu

An originally Sumerian deity, one of several
associated with dreams (mamud being the
Sumerian word for ‘dream’), Mamu was some-
times regarded as female (and a daughter of the
god Utu) and sometimes as male (and referred
to as ‘god of dreams’). When Assurnasirpal II
of Assyria (reigned 883-859Bc) refounded
the town of Imgur-Enlil (modern Balawat), he
built a temple there to a god whose name is
written in the same way, possibly in origin a
local deity with a similar name.

Marduk

The god Marduk was the patronal god of the
city of Babylon from at least as early as the
Third Dynasty of Ur. His worship is attested as
early as the Early Dynastic Period, although
nothing further is known of his origin. The
conventional writing of his name with the signs
meaning literally ‘bull-calf (of) the sun’ is
probably a popular etymology. Later on Mar-
duk was often known simply as Bél (Lord).

Quite early on, Marduk seems to have ab-
sorbed the personality of a local deity of the
Eridu region, Asarluhi, who was regarded as
a son of Enki; consequently Marduk became
the son of Enki/Ea. Marduk’s great shrine was
the temple called Esagil at Babylon, where
he was worshipped together with his wife
Sarpanitu. Occasionally the goddess Nanaya
was treated as his wife. Nabi, worshipped at
nearby Borsippa, became in due course the son
of Marduk.

The rise of the cult of Marduk is closely
connected with the political rise of Babylon
from city-state to the capital of an empire.
From the Kassite Period Marduk became more
and more important until it was possible for the
author of the Babylonian Epic of Creation to
maintain that not only was Marduk king of all
the gods but that many of the latter were no
more than aspects of his persona — hence the
hymn of the Fifty Names of Marduk incor-
porated into the Epic, to which a contemporary
list of gods adds sixty-six more.

Marduk was also a popular god in Assyria,
from about the fourteenth century Bc. Because

of his supreme position, it is difficult to identify
specific traits in his character, but magic and
wisdom (derived from his connection with
Asarluhi), water and vegetation (connected
with his father Ea) and judgement (suggesting
a connection with the sun god Šamaš
(Utu)) can be adduced. In the reign of Sen-
nacherib (704-681BC), however, some aspects
of Marduk’s cult, mythology and rituals were
attributed to the Assyrian state god Aššur.

105 The god Marduk and his snake-dragon
(mushussu). Detail from a large lapis lazuli cylin-
der dedicated to Marduk by the Babylonian king
Marduk-zakir-Sumi 1 (reigned ¢.854—819 BC).
According to the accompanying inscription, the
cylinder was to be set in gold and hung around
the neck of the god, ie. to be attached to the
cult statue in Esagil, Marduk’s temple in Baby-
lon. It was found at Babylon in the house of a
bead-maker of the Parthian Period.

Martu (Amurru)

The worship of Marduk in its most extreme
form has been compared with monotheism,
but it never led to a denial of the existence of
other gods, or to the exclusion of female
deities.

In the Epic of Erra (see Nergal), when the
god Erra wants to unseat Marduk so that
temporarily he, Erra, can rule the world, Mar-
duk is presented, possibly with humorous in-
tent, in a very uncharacteristic form as a bumb-
ling old incompetent whose insignia need
repairing and cleaning.

Marduk’s symbol of a triangular-headed
spade or hoe, the marru, may possibly reflect an
origin of the god as a local agricultural deity.
The snake-dragon (mushussu) as animal of
Marduk and Nabû was taken over from Tiš-
pak, local god of Ešnunna, possibly soon after
the conquest of that city by Hammurabi of
Babylon.

See New Year ceremonies; Sacred Mar-
riage.

marru: see Marduk; spade (symbol).

Martu (Amurru)
The god Martu (Akkadian Amurru) is a god
who destroys cities and rages over the land like
a storm. He was regarded as a son of An, and
was sometimes said to be a son of Ninhursaga.
According to some traditions his wife was
Belet-séri (“Lady of the Desert’) or else ASratu.
There seems little doubt that he represents a
personification of the nomadic peoples of the
desert who began to appear on the horizon of
settled Mesopotamia at least as early as the later
third millennium BC, originally from the west,
but gradually infiltrating the Mesopotamian
area so that they also occupied lands to the east
in the foothills of the Zagros. The first waves of
these people were called Martu in Sumerian,
and we tend to use the Biblical term ‘Amorites’.
The name of the god Martu, or Amurru, is
used in personal names from the end of the
third millennium Bc.

Ina Sumerian poem called ‘The Marriage of
Martu’, the daughter of the god Numusda,
patron god of the city Kazallu in southern

129

141

158

106

maskim

Babylonia, insists on marrying Martu even
though he ‘digs up truffles in the foothills, eats
raw flesh, and has no permanent home’ —a par-
tially accurate description of a desert nomad
even today. The poem clearly indicates an
attempt to absorb this god of the nomads into
the general pantheon of Mesopotamia. The
metaphor of a storm was frequently employed
to describe the incursions of these people who
‘knew nothing of agriculture’.

In Old Babylonian and early Kassite art,
Amurru is represented as a god in long
robes who carries a crook or a scimitar, and
is sometimes associated with a gazelle.
Chronologically the occurrence of this figure
in art corresponds roughly with the flourishing
of the god’s cult in Babylonia, and the figure of
a man with a crooked stick might be thought
an appropriate form for a god of travelling
nomads.

In Akkadian amurru continued to be used as
the normal word
for ‘west’. It was
also a name of
the star group
Perseus.

See mace.

106 The god
Amurru. Detail
from a cylinder
seal of the Old
Babylonian
Period.

maskim: see demons and monsters.

The Sumerian term me (pronounced ‘may’;
rendered by Akkadian parsu) is a plural, in-
animate noun, and expresses a very basic con-
cept in Sumerian religion. The me are proper-
ties or powers of the gods which enable a whole
host of activities central to civilised human life,
especially religion, to take place. A related
term, gs-hur (plan, design’), denotes how
these activities ought, ideally, to be: the me are
the powers which make possible the implemen-
tation of the gis-hur and which ensure the con-
tinuation of civilised life. They are ancient,
enduring, holy, valuable. Mostly they are held
by An or Enlil, but they can be assigned or
given to other gods of, by implication, lesser
rank. Some me are conceived in very concrete
terms — the throne of kingship (symbolising the
activity of kingship) or a temple drum (symbol-
ising the performance of ritual music) — and
consequently are sometimes said to be
‘carried’, ‘worn’, ‘sat on’. In times of social
upheaval the me may be ‘dispersed’, ‘forgotten’
or ‘gathered together and stood in a corner’. In
the poem ‘Inana and Enki’, the two gods
gamble drunkenly over the me, and Inana wins
them all from her father Enki.

medicine: see diseases and medicine.

melam and ni

Melam and ni are two Sumerian words which
are often linked. Strictly speaking mi seems to
denote the effect on human beings of the divine
power melam (Akkadian melammu). The
Babylonians used various words to capture the
idea of ni, including puluhtu, ‘fear’. The exact
connotation of melam is difficult to grasp. It is a
brilliant, visible glamour which is exuded by
gods, heroes, sometimes by kings, and also by
temples of great holiness and by gods’ symbols
and emblems. While it is in some ways a
phenomenon of light, melam is at the same time
terrifying, awe-inspiring. Ni can be experi-
enced as a physical creeping of the flesh. Both
Sumerian and Akkadian are rich in words to

describe this phenomenon and its effects. Gods
are sometimes said to ‘wear’ their melam like a
garment or a crown, and like a garment or a
crown, melam can be ‘taken off’. If the god is
killed (see dead gods), his melam disappears.
While it is always a mark of the supernatural,
melam carries no connotation of moral value:
demons and terrifying giants can ‘wear’ it too.

Meme: see Gula.

merman and mermaid
A figure with the head, arms and torso ofa man

107 A swimming merman.
Detail from a monumental
stone relief from the royal
palace of the Assyrian king
Sargon (reigned
721-7058C) at Dūr-Šarkēn
(modern Khorsabad). Ht. of
figure 255 mm.

108 A stylised tree flanked
by a ‘fish-garbed figure’ and
a merman and mermaid.
Detail from a cylinder seal of

the Neo-Assyrian Period.

merman and mermaid

but with the lower body and tail of a fish exists
in most periods of Mesopotamian art from Old
Babylonian times onwards. In the Middle
Assyrian Period he may have been displaced

by the analogously composed lion-centaur, 98

but if so he was revived as a popular figure in
Neo-Assyrian times. Continuing into the
Achaemenid and Seleucid Periods, the figure
is perhaps the prototype for the merman figure
in Greek and medieval European art and
literary tradition. To the Assyrians, the crea-
ture was known simply as kudulli, ‘fish-man’,
and with the girtablulli (scorpion-man) and

107

108

Meslamta-ea

urmahlulli (‘lion-man’, the lion-centaur) he
forms a group of analogous human-animal hy-
brids. Together with other demons and mon-
sters, representations of these figures were
used in Neo-Assyrian art for the purpose of
protective magic, both as monumental palace
and temple sculpture and as small protective
figurines. Although of a general protective
nature, and not the symbol of a specific deity,
the merman sometimes appears to have a
special and understandable relationship to the
water-god Ea (Enki), and is known as one of
the creatures of the apsi (abzu).

In Old Babylonian, Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian art, a female version of the figure
(half fish and half woman) occasionally
appears, and may be the kuliltu, possibly
meaning ‘fish-woman’.

See goat-fish.

Meslamta-ea: see Lugal-irra and Meslamta-
ea; Nergal.

minister deities: see gods and goddesses.

mongoose

The mongoose or palm-rat is often found in
southern Mesopotamia. Ningilin (Ninkilim) is
the name of a goddess (or possibly a god) who
was connected with the mongoose, the Ak-
kadian word for which was later written with
the deity’s name. Ningilin may at an early date
have been confused with a god of magic called
Ningirima, who was invoked in spells to drive
away snakes. In a Babylonian popular saying, a
mouse who has fled from a mongoose into a
snake’s hole greets the snake with: ‘I bring you
greetings from the snake-charmer!’ Since
snakes are the natural prey of mongooses it is
easy to see how the deity and the mongoose
came to be associated.

In Old Babylonian glyptic art, a creature
with something of the appearance of the mon-
goose is a common motif, but is of unknown
significance.

monsters: see demons and monsters.

132

morality: see divine intervention; good and
evil; sin.

mother goddesses and birth goddesses
The term ‘mother goddess’ is widely used
in popular writing about polytheistic, pre-
modern or so-called primitive religions, with
great variety of meaning, and considerable
overlap with other terms like ‘earth mother’,
‘earth goddess’ or ‘fertility goddess’. It is
common to assume the existence of such female
deities for prehistoric periods on archae-
ological or artistic evidence alone, although it
is often impossible to distinguish what might
be representations of such a goddess from, for
example, figurines of a pregnant woman made
in connection with magical attempts to secure
conception or an easy delivery.

For the historical periods of the ancient
Mesopotamian past we have fairly definite in-
formation about mother goddesses and birth
goddesses. Since one image for the creation of
natural forces or gods was the sexual act per-
formed between two deities, there is a sense in
which any goddess could become a ‘mother
goddess’ — a goddess who is a mother — and

109 A goddess with newly born babies, probably
Nintu as ‘lady of birth’. Baked clay relief plaque
probably of the Isin-Larsa or Old Babylonian
Period. Ht.usmm.

109

many examples could be given. However,
usually motherhood of most of the early gods
was ascribed to one particular goddess who by
the second millennium BC appears under a
variety of interchangeable names, some of
which are really titles, but who may in origin
have been several different deities. These are:

Aruru;

Mami or Mama (clearly ‘mother’);
Dingirmah (‘exalted deity’);

Ninmah (‘exalted lady’);

Nintu (‘lady of birth’);

Ninmena (‘lady of the crown’);

Bélet-ili (‘lady of the gods’ in Akkadian);

Nammu.

Damgalnuna seems earlier to be a mother
goddess but later to have a more specialised
role as the wife of Enki (and hence mother of
Marduk). Ninmah’s name was changed by her
son Ninurta to Ninhursaga (‘lady of the
mountains’) to commemorate his creation of
the mountains. Nammu is usually creatrix of
An and Ki, and of the early gods, including
Enki, but she also creates mankind in one poem
(see creation).

The making of a figurine of clay which is
then brought to life is another image for
creation. Usually it is a goddess (under one of
the above names) who pinches off and moulds
the clay, especially in connection with the
creation of mankind (although occasionally
Enki is responsible), and she becomes thereby
a mother goddess in a second sense. An
additional goddess sometimes acts as ‘midwife’
in both these types of creation, and these divine
midwives can -conveniently be termed birth
goddesses.

The term sassiéiru, meaning in Akkadian
literally ‘womb’, is sometimes used to refer to
the mother goddess herself. But in the complex
account of the creation of the first seven men
and seven women in the Epic of Atra-hasis
(Ziusura), the mother goddess is assisted by
fourteen sassiratu, each of whom oversees the

Nabi

‘shaping’ or ‘preparing’ of one of the clay fig-
urines during a period of ten (lunar) months.

Finally, to complete the clay figurine
imagery, we may note that in the Atra-hasis
story, Enki assists Mami as she mixes the clay
and blood — clay for moulding or potting must
be prepared by levigating beforehand — and,
likewise, in the poem ‘Enki and Ninmah’, the
creatures called sig-en-sig-du nip off the clay
into lumps for Nammu to mould after she has
first kneaded it, while Ninmah acts as midwife.
This fourth function is not necessarily per-
formed by a female deity. In addition, in this
case, seven minor goddesses ‘stand by’ to assist
Nammu, presumably as servants might be in
attendance at a birth.

See Anunitu; IShara; Lisin; Ninlil; nude
woman; ‘omega’ symbol. For the birth
goddess Erua, see Sarpanitu.

Mullissu: see Ninlil.
mushussu: see snake-dragon.

Nabû

Nabû (earlier Nabium; Biblical Nebo) is the
Mesopotamian scribe god, the divine scribe of
the destinies. As such he is also a scribes’ god
and patron of writing, although no myths are
related about him. Because so much learning
was transmitted in writing, he later joined Ea
(Enki) and Marduk as a god of wisdom, and
in some traditions he absorbed attributes of
Ninurta and was therefore associated with ir-
rigation and agriculture. His spouse was the
goddess TaSmétu. He may have been identified
with the planet Mercury.

The worship of Nabi may have reached
Babylonia from Syria with the nomadic
Amorites in the early second millennium Bc.
His cult centre came to be at Borsippa near
Babylon, and he was absorbed into the circle of
the god Marduk, first as Marduk’s minister
and later (from the Kassite Period) as his son.
Later Nisaba was regarded as his wife. At the
New Year ceremonies, Nabi was brought
from Borsippa to ‘visit? his father Marduk
at Babylon (see purification). In time Nabi

133

31,110

Nammu

110 The scribal god Nabû holding his
wedge-shaped writing stylus and standing on his
snake-dragon. (The god’s eye is obliterated on
the original and is restored in this drawing.)
Detail from a cast
copper or bronze
amuletic plaque of
the Neo-Assyrian
Period.

became supreme god of Babylonia alongside
Marduk. In Neo-Assyrian times his worship
was accepted in Assyria too and he almost
became an ‘Assyrian’ god in the reigns of
Esarhaddon (680-669BC) and Assurbanipal
(668-c. 627 BC).

A symbol of Nabû is a single wedge, vertical
or horizontal, possibly a writing stylus, some-
times resting on a clay tablet. Occasionally this,
or the god himself, is shown riding on the back
of a snake-dragon.

The worship of Nabû was long-lived and
spread outside Mesopotamia among expatriate
communities of Aramaic-speakers in Egypt
and Anatolia during the fourth century Bc. By
the time of Augustus a Mesopotamian pan-

134

theon of gods including Nabai was being
worshipped in central and northern Syria at
Palmyra and Dura Europos, and survived until
at least the second century ap. In post-
Babylonian Mesopotamia, Nabii’s cult contin-
ued and he was identified by the Greeks with
Apollo.

See Arabian gods; Dilmunite gods;
Enzag; Ezida; Sacred Marriage.

Nammu
Nammu was a goddess who was considered, in
some traditions, to have given birth to An
(heaven) and Ki (earth) and to many more of
the more ancient gods. Especially she was
regarded as the mother of Enki. She came to be
thought of as one of the mother goddesses.
Her name is written with the same sign as
engur, a synonym of abzu, and it is probable
that she was originally a personification of the
subterranean ocean.

Namrasit: see Nanna-Suen.

Namtar

Namtar or Namtaru was a minor deity who
acted as minister of EreSkigal, queen of the
underworld. In one tradition he was the
offspring of Enlil and Ninlil. The same name
was also given to one of the demons of the
nether regions, a harbinger of death. Origin-
ally Sumerian namtar meant ‘destiny’ or ‘fate’.

Nanaya

The goddess Nanaya, who seems to have
shared some ofthe sexual aspects of Inana, was
worshipped together with her daughter Kani-
sura (Akkadian Usur-amassa) ‘and Inana of
Uruk in a sort of trinity of goddesses at Uruk,
and later at Kiš, during the Old Babylonian
Period. Later Nanaya’s name was used in cultic
texts to denote little more than another aspect of
Inana/T8tar.

See Sacred Marriage.

Nanibgal: see Ennugi; Nisaba.

111

Nanna-Suen (Sin)

In ancient Mesopotamia both the sun and the
moon were male deities. In Sumerian, the
moon god was called Suen or Nanna (Nannar),
and sometimes he was called by both names
together, Nanna-Suen. In Akkadian, Suen was
later pronounced Sin. Other names included
Ašimbabbar, Namrastt (“Who shines forth’) and
Inbu (‘the Fruit’, perhaps referring to the
natural waxing and waning of the moon). His
name is also written simply with the number 30,
the number of days in a lunar month.

Nanna was the son of Enlil and Ninlil. The
story of Enlil’s rape of the young goddess is
told in a Sumerian poem: Enlil was banished
by the other gods, but Ninlil followed him,
already pregnant with Nanna. Nanna’s wife
was the goddess Ningal, and their children
were Utu, the sun god, and the goddess Inana.

The most important shrine of Nanna was the
temple E-kiS-nu-gal at Ur, but another cult
centre which became of great importance in the
Neo-Babylonian Period was the temple at Har-
ran in northern Syria, where under the name
Sin the god was worshipped together with
Nusku as his son. The temple at Harran was
especially popular with the Babylonian king
Nabi-na’id (known in Latin as Nabonidus;

=
TUTUTI
—

111 The moon god
Sin. Detail from a
cylinder seal of the
Neo-Babylonian
Period.

Nergal (Erra)

reigned 556-539BC), whose mother was a
priestess there. Nabii-na’ id made his daughter
high priestess of Sin at Ur.

Although a very popular deity in Old Baby-
lonian times, Nanna always remained sub-
ordinate to the chief gods of the pantheon,
and in ‘Nanna-Suen’s Journey to Nippur’, he
travels by barge to Nippur to obtain the blessing
of the god Enlil (see journeys and pro-
cessions of the gods).

A symbol of Nanna was a recumbent cres-
cent moon. His beast was a bull or a lion-
dragon.

See Arabian gods; ‘omega’ symbol.

NanSe

The Sumerian goddess NanSe belongs to the
local pantheon of the city-state of Lagaš in
south-east Sumer (see local gods). Her temple
was located at a small town near Lagaš. She was
regarded as a daughter of Enki, but also as the
sister of Ningirsu (the local form of Ninurta)
and Nisaba in a parallel tradition. Her hus-
band was Nindara and her minister Hendur-
sağ. NanSe was especially associated with divi-
nation and the interpretation of dreams, and
with birds and fishes. In an extended Sumer-
ian hymn addressed to her, she is also praised
as a benefactor of the socially disadvantaged
and as responsible for checking the accuracy of
weights and measures.

See Damu.

} -artidu: see Seven (gods).
necromancy: see divination.

Nergal (Erra)

The gods Nergal and Erra were originally
separate deities, but later became so closely
identified as to lose their independent charac-
ters. Since Nergal was worshipped at the
temple called E-meslam (or ‘Meslam House’)
at Kuti in Babylonia, he was also sometimes
known under the name Meslamta-ea, ‘he who
comes forth from the Meslam’; later he was
also identified with Lugal-irra. Another cult
centre was MaSkan-Sapir (Tell Abu Dhawari).

135

14,55

76,112

New Year ceremonies

Nergal was associated with the underworld
and was usually regarded as the husband of
Ereškigal, queen of the underworld. Their
love story is related in the myth ‘Nergal
and EreSkigal’. Other goddesses sometimes
regarded as the wife of Nergal were Las and
Mamitu. Nergal was considered to be a son of
Enlil and Ninlil, or else of Bélet-ili.

In addition to his underworld connections,
Nergal was also associated with forest fires,
fevers and plagues, and sometimes had a war-
like aspect.

Erra was, especially, a violent warlike god,
particularly responsible for plagues. He too
was worshipped at the E-meslam at Kuti, with
his wife Mami (probably the same as Nergal’s
wife Mamitu, and not the Mami who is counted
among mother goddesses and birth god-
desses). Erra’s father was said to be An.

In the Babylonian poem ‘Išum and Erra’, the
god acquires temporary control of the world
and (apparently because destruction is simply
in his nature, rather than to punish any sin)
ravages and lays waste Babylonia: the mythical
narrative may mirror invasions of the country
between the twelfth and ninth centuries BC by
tribal, nomadic peoples such as the Aramaeans
or ‘Suteans’.

In Babylonian art, Nergal is represented as a
god dressed ina long, open-fronted robe, often
with one leg bared and advanced, his foot often
placed upon a raised support or trampling a
man. He usually carries a scimitar and a
single- or double-headed lion-sceptre, which,
as independent motifs, also served to symbolise
the god (see standards, staves and sceptres
of the gods). A god shown at restina coffin may
also be Nergal (see dead gods).

In the Parthian Period, Nergal was identi-
fied with the Greek Herakles.

See Arabian gods; fly; lion-demon.

New Year ceremonies

The New Year ceremonies were celebrated at
Babylon from the first to the twelfth of
Nisannu, the first month of the year, which fell
approximately at the time of the spring
equinox. The ceremonies at Babylon were

136

112 A god apparently lying in his sarcophagus,
thought by some scholars to be Nergal, god of the
underworld. Baked clay figurine, possibly of
Isin-Larsa or Old Babylonian date. Ht. 133mm.

centred on the cult of Marduk, but related
ceremonies were performed at other cities for
other deities, and had been performed for a
very long time. The akiti festival performed at
Ur under the Third Dynasty, for the god
Nanna, took its name from the Akkadian akitu,
one of the New Year ceremonies.

The Babylonian ceremonies consisted of a
sequence of rites which were concerned (1)
with celebrating or marking the spring barley
harvest; (2) with a patronal festival of the city-
god, Marduk, including his enthronement
(known as ‘taking Bél by the hand’), incor-
porating (3) symbolic representation of certain
episodes in the Babylonian Epic of Creation
(see creation); (4) with marking the calen-
drical aspect of the New Year; (5) with the
affirmation of the king as bearer of the sacred
duties of kingship; and (6) with the reception
and enthronement of the god Nabi. A very late
copy of a set of ritual instructions for the
priests gives precise details of the ceremonies
of the second to fifth days, but the sequence of
events on the other days is far less clear. It
certainly included a procession and journey
out to the Dit akiti or akitu building, a ritual
humiliation of the king, and an ‘offering’ (most
probably a reading), on the fourth day, of the
Epic of Creation, in addition to a whole series
of magical and cultic rites of various signifi-
cance.

The last known occasion when the akitu of
Marduk was celebrated at Babylon was when
Cambyses, king of Persia, ‘took Bēl by the
hand’ in 538Bc. However, akitu ceremonies
were still celebrated for the deities Anu (An)
and Ištar (Inana) at Uruk during the second
century BC.

See Aššur; purification; Sacred Marriage.

Nidaba: see Nisaba.

night

The Babylonians appear to have believed that
at dusk the sun god Šamaš (Utu) entered
through a gateway at the western horizon into
the ‘interior of heaven’, where a chamber was
located where he spent the night. In the morn-

Nindara

ing he emerged from a corresponding gate at
the eastern horizon. It is clear that his radiance
was believed to diminish during the night-time
hours, but it is not yet quite clear how this view
can be harmonised with another tradition that
he illuminated the underworld during the
night.

Certain rituals had to be performed during
the night. These included extispicy rituals and,
especially, magical rituals intended to destroy
the power of sorcerers, and some namburbi
rituals (see magic and sorcery). Because of
this, such rituals often included special prayers
addressed to the (unnamed) gods of the night,
or to the stars.

Nikkal: see Ningal.

Nimrod

In Genesis 10, we read that Nimrod was ‘a
mighty hunter before the Lord’, and that ‘the
beginning of his kingdom was Babel [Babylon]
and Erech [Uruk], and Accad and Calneh in
the land of Shinar’. The context suggests that
Nimrod here stands for the Babylonian nation.
Nimrod survived as a figure in Islamic tra-
dition and is perpetuated in the modern names
of the ruins of Kalhu (Nimrud) and Borsippa
(Birs Nimrud). However, no Mesopotamian
source for the legend can be identified.

Ninazu
The god Ninazu was regarded as a son of
EreSkigal, queen of the underworld; he was
also the father of NingiSzida. His connection
appears to be with the underworld. It seems
that during the third millennium Bc he was
worshipped at the city of ESnunna, but that his
cult was later replaced there by that of the god
TiSpak (in origin the Hurrian storm god
TeSup). Ninazu’s divine beast seems to have
been the snake-dragon (mushusSu), apparently
taken over by TiSpak and so later by Marduk.
It is possible that the Ninazu who was wor-
shipped at Enegi in southern Sumer, whose
father was Enlil, is in origin a different god.

Nindara: see local gods; NanSe.

—

Ningal

113 A diorite statue of the goddess Ningal of the
Isin-Larsa Period, found in the gipar at Ur, and
heavily restored. (When found the statue was
headless and very
broken.) The inscription
is a dedication of the
statue to Ningal by
En-ana-tuma, daughter
of King Išme-Dagan of
Isin.

Ningal

The goddess Ningal was the wife of the god
Nanna/Sîn and the mother of the sun god
Utu/Šamaš. She was worshipped with Sîn at
Ur, and also at Sin’s sanctuary at Harran in
northern Syria. Her cult developed indepen-
dently in Syria as early as the second millen-
nium BC, where her name was altered to Nik-
kal, a form which is also used in Babylonia
sometimes. The cult of Nikkal seems to have
lasted in Syria well into the first millennium
AD.

See ‘eyes-of-Ningal’.

Ningilin: see mongoose.
Ningirsu
The god Ningirsu (whose name means ‘Lord

of Girsu’) was important from the Early Dyn-

138

astic Period until the Old Babylonian Period as
a local form of the god Ninurta (see local
gods). He was the most prominent of the local
pantheon of the city-state of Lagaš, within
whose borders the town of Girsu (modern
Tello) lay, where he was regarded as a son of
Enlil, the husband of Bau and brother of the
goddesses NanSe and Nisaba.

Ningirsu was the god for whom Gudea,
ruler of Lagaš, rebuilt the great temple
E-ninnu, ‘House of the Fifty [me] (see num-
bers), celebrated in a lengthy Sumerian hymn.
In the hymn, Gudea dreams that Ningirsu
appears before him commanding the rebuild-
ing: instead of appearing in human form, the
god appears as the lion-headed Imdugud
(Anza) bird (see dreams and visions). Since
in the older versions of the Akkadian ‘Anz®’
poem, it is Ningirsu who defeats the Anzi
when the bird has stolen from Enlil the tablet
of destinies (while the later versions have
Ninurta as the divine avenger), it is possible to
see how what must originally have been a vic-
tim — a ‘trophy’ — of the god later became so
closely identified with him as to be able to stand
as a symbol for the divine presence.

Also alluded to in Gudea’s hymn is the myth
of the Slain Heroes, a group of bizarre minor
deities — some anthropomorphic, some mon-
strous and some inanimate — conquered by
Ning@irsu (or in other versions, Ninurta).

In general Ningirsu was, on the one hand, a
warrior god, as the above exploits suggest; on
the other hand, he was associated with the
fruitfulness of cultivation and vegetation, with
the regulation of canals essential for irrigation
and with fecundity. On kudurrus of the Kass-
ite Period, the plough is named as his symbol.
As Girsu became less important (being ab-
sorbed into the empire of the Third Dynasty of
Un), less is heard of Ningirsu, and his myths
were attributed to Ninurta.

See lion; Zababa.

Ningišzida Ñ

The god Ningišzida was an underworld deity,
son of the god Ninazu. His name may
etymologically mean ‘Lord of the Good Tree’.

114 An Early Dynastic Period abzu
basin from the Temple of Ningirsu
at Girsu (modern Tello),
photographed where it now stands
in the Museum of the Ancient
Orient at Istanbul.

115 Gudea, prince of Laga’, is
introduced to the god Enki by

his personal deity Ningi8zida,
shown with horned serpents
(basmu) rising above his shoulders.
Detail from Gudea’s own cylinder
seal, Neo-Sumerian Period.

In the Sumerian poem ‘The Death of Gil-
gameš’, Gilgameš meets Ningišzida and
Dumuzi together in the underworld. Babyl-
onian incantations name Ningiszida as a
guardian over demons who live in the under-
world. The god’s name is also mentioned in
laments over the death of Dumuzi.

Gudea, the Sumerian ruler of Lagaš who
built the temple of Ningirsu, regarded

Z7ZZZ7ZZ7777

Ningiszida

Ningi&zida as a personal protective deity (see
personal gods), and recorded his appearance
to him in a dream.

Unexpectedly, in the myth of Adapa, the
sage who travelled to heaven, we encounter
Dumuzi and a god called GiSzida, certainly an
abbreviated form of NingiSzida, guarding the
gate to the Heaven of Anu (An), the highest
heaven (see cosmology). Adapa is told that he

Ninhursaga

must say, in reply to the gods’ questions, that he
is in mourning for two gods who have dis-
appeared from earth, namely Dumuzi and
Gi8zida. This, together with the complicated
interplay of the themes of death and immor-
tality in the poem, makes it clear that it is excep-
tional that Dumuzi and Gi&zida are found in
heaven on this occasion.

The symbol and beast of Ningi8zida was the
horned snake or dragon basmu (see snakes)
and astrologically Ningiszida was associated
with the constellation we know as Hydra.

The god’s name may have been pronounced
‘Ningizzida’.

See Damu; snake-dragon; snake gods.

Ninhursaga

Ninhursaga was the Sumerian name of one of
the mother goddesses, who was known as
‘mother of the gods’ and was certainly thought
to have been responsible for the birth of many
of the gods and goddesses. Many human
rulers liked to name her as their ‘mother’ also.

In the Sumerian myth ‘Enki and Nin-
hursaga, Ninhursaga (who is also called Nin-
tur, Damgalnuna and Ninsikila in the poem)
is inseminated by Enki, who then rapes the
daughter of their union in the first of a series of
incestuous rapes. Eventually they have inter-
course again and Ninhursaga gives birth to
eight divinities favourable to man. In another
poem, Lugale, a myth explains the origin of
Ninhursaga’s name: the god Ninurta, having
defeated the demon Asag and his army of stone
allies, builds the mountains out of stones, and
decides to rename his mother Ninmah with
the new name Ninhursaga (“Lady of the Moun-
tain’).

Being virtually identical with the goddess
Ninmah, Ninhursaga was worshipped at the
temple E-mah in the city of Adab. However, it
appears that she was also connected with the
city of Keš, since she is sometimes known as the
‘Bēlet-ili of Keš’ or as ‘she of Keš’.

See Dilmunite gods; Lisin; ‘omega’ sym-
bol; Sul-pa-e.

140

Ninisina

Ninisina, whose name means ‘Lady of Isin’,
was the patronal goddess of the Sumerian city
of that name (see local gods). She was a daugh-
ter of the goddess Uras. Her husband was
Pabilsag and her son Damu. Already in the
third millennium Bc she was worshipped in
Sumer outside Isin, for instance at Lagaš, but
with the rise of the kingdom of Isin shortly
after 2000 BC her importance as a special deity
of Isin increased. From this period, too, she
was known by the epithet ‘great doctor of the
black-headed (that is, human beings)’, and,
like her son, Damu, she was specially associ-
ated with healing (see diseases and medi-
cine). She was compared with Inana and was
sometimes known as ‘great daughter of An’
and other epithets proper to Inana. Since Nin-
isina is really a title rather than a name, it seems
that Ninisina was in fact identical with Gula,
who was known under a variety of names.

Ninkarrak: see Gula.
Ninkilim: see mongoose.

Ninlil (Mullissu)
The goddess Ninlil was the wife of the god
Enlil. While it is likely that she was an ‘arti-
ficially invented’ deity (since the prefix Nin-
usually means ‘lady’, just as En- means ‘lord’),
named so as to provide a wife for her important
husband, she is often also called ‘mother’,
‘merciful mother’ and so on and may perhaps
have been a form of mother goddess. As a
merciful and benevolent deity, she often inter-
ceded with her husband on behalf of mortals.
The Sumerian poem ‘Enlil and Ninlil’ re-
counts a story of Enlil’s rape of the young Nin-
lil, for which he was banished by the other
gods, and of how subsequently she became his
wife. In the different tradition of the poem
‘Enlil and Sud’, Enlil marries the goddess
Sud, who is then renamed Ninlil (see Nisaba).
Since in Assyria ASSur, the national god,
was in some respects equated with Babylonian
Enlil, Ninlil was regarded as the wife of A&Sur.
In Assyria she was worshipped under the name

31 Mullissu (an Assyrian dialectal form of Mul-

liltu, derived from a Sumerian dialectal form
of Ninlil).
In Assyria, Mullissu’s animal was the lion.
See E-kur.

Ninmah
The goddess Ninmah acted as midwife when
Nammu created mankind, according to the
Sumerian poem ‘Enki and Ninmah’ (see
creation; mother goddesses and birth god-
desses). Later, when celebrating, Enki and
Ninmah drank too much beer and became
merry. Having played a subsidiary rôle in the
creation, Ninmah now challenged Enki to the
effect that, however favourable or unfavourable
mankind’s bodily form might be, she could
make his destiny good or bad as she chose.
Enki, accepting the challenge, claimed ‘If the
fate you choose is bad, I will improve it.’ A
drunken game followed, in which Ninmah
became furious with Enki’s success. They
reversed rôles, and Enki soon created a crea-
ture so sick or weak in every part of its body that
Ninmah could not improve it at all. The victory
was granted to Enki.

Ninmah was also the name ofa constellation.

See Ninhursaga.

Ninmar: see local gods.

Ninmena: see mother goddesses and birth
goddesses.

NinmeSarra: see EnmeSarra.

Ninsianna: see Inana.

insikila: see Ninhursağa; Lisin; Dilmunite
gods.

Ninsun

The name of this goddess means ‘lady wild-
cow’ and it is possible that originally her cult
was associated with wild cattle (see horned
cap). Already in the Early Dynastic Period she
was regarded as the wife of the deified king of
the city of Uruk, Lugalbanda. Lugalbanda

Ninsubur

and Ninsun were the parents of the hero
Gilgameš, and in the Babylonian Epic of Gil-
gameš, the wise Ninsun acts as an interpreter of
Gilgameš’s ominous dreams.

Ningiku: see Enki.

Ninsubur (god)

A minor male deity who functioned as minister
(see gods and goddesses) to An. An Akkadian
form of his name was Il-abrat. He was also
assimilated to the god Papsukkal, who func-
tioned as minister to the gods in general. Pap-
sukkal was associated with the constellation
known in modern terminology as Orion.

In Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian art,
NinSubur/Papsukkal is depicted as an anthro-
pomorphic god, wearing a horned cap and a
long robe; he stands, as if to attention, and
holds before him a long staff, reaching from

116 A figurine of
the minister of
the gods,
Ningubur, in
sun-dried clay
with metal staff.
Neo-Babylonian,
from a brick box
buried in the
foundations of
the temple of the
goddess
Ninhursaga at
Kiš.

141

116

103

Nintinuga

above the level of his head to the ground. Often
he stands upon a podium. Commonly in
temples (of various deities) of this period, a
figurine of sun-dried clay of the god in this
form would be buried in a brick box beneath
the dais of the cult statue. The Old Babylon-
ian ‘Figure with mace’ (see mace) has been
regarded as an earlier iconography of the god,
but it seems doubtful.

The animal symbol of NinSubur/Papsukkal,
at least from the Kassite Period, was a walking
bird.

Ninšubur (goddess)

A minor female deity who functioned as

minister (see gods and goddesses) to Inana.
See Namtar.

Nintinuga: see Gula.

Nintu: see mother goddesses and birth god-
desses.

Nintur: see Ninhursaga.

Ninurta

There is no evidence for the meaning of the
name of the god Ninurta, whose worship was
very ancient in Sumer. As a son of Enlil, his
principal cult centre was the temple E-Su-me-

ša at Nippur. His wife was regarded as either
Gula or, because of his close association with
the god Ningirsu, Bau. Indeed, the personal-
ities of the two gods Ninurta and Nin@irsu are
closely intertwined and, although his origin
may have been independent, in historical times
Ningirsu was a local form of Ninurta.

The most pronounced aspect of Ninurta’s
personality was his warlike nature. Several
myths relate his martial exploits, mainly
directed against the enemies of Sumer and in
particular against the so-called ‘rebel lands’ or
‘hostile lands’ (the regions in the mountains to
the east of Mesopotamia). Ninurta (or
Ningirsu) is the gods’ champion against the
Anza bird Imdugud) when it steals the tablet
of destinies from Enlil, thereby endangering
the stability of civilisation. Ninurta (or
Ningirsu) kills the Slain Heroes in a myth
several times alluded to but nowhere preserved
in full.

A contrasting aspect, also to be found with
Ningirsu, is Ninurta’s réle as a farmer god. In

the so-called Sumerian ‘Georgica’, Ninurta .

gives detailed advice on the cultivation of crops
and preparation of the fields, in fact on the
farmer’s activities throughout the year. The
plough is captioned as a symbol of Ningirsu on
Kassite kudurrus, and so perhaps represented
Ninurta in Neo-Assyrian art. Another symbol

117 A mythological scene
on a monumental stone
relief from the temple of the
god Ninurta at Kalhu
(modern Nimrud),
belonging to the reign of
the Assyrian king
Assurnasirpal 1 (reigned
883-859 Bc). Ninurta or
Adad pursues a leonine
bird-monster, perhaps the
Anziti or Asakku.

142

6,117

121

117
155

of Ninurta in the Neo-Assyrian Period was a
perched bird.

The two aspects, warrior and farmer, are
combined in the Sumerian poem Lugale, in
which Ninurta succeeds in defeating the
terrible demon Asag and his army of stone
allies, and then proceeds to organise the world,
using the stones to build the mountains in such
away that streams and lakes flow into the Tigris

and Euphrates to make them useful for irrig-

ation and to facilitate agriculture.

The Assyrian kings were devoted to the cult
of Ninurta, as a warlike god who would help
them against their enemies. At his new capital
Kalhu (modern Nimrud), Assurnasirpal II
(reigned 883-859 BC) built a temple to Ninurta
adjacent to the ziggurat (which may also have
been dedicated to Ninurta). The scene carved
on stone relief slabs at either side of the main
doorway of the temple may represent, uniquely
in Neo-Assyrian monumental art, a mythologi-
cal scene: Ninurta’s defeat of the Asakku
(Asag) or else of the Anza bird (Imdugud).

According to one theory, the winged disc
symbolised Ninurta in the official art of the
ninth century BC, before it was transferred
either to Aššur or Šamaš (Utu). This idea,
based upon representations of a god set above
the disc who seems to have a bird’s tail, seen
below the disc, has found little support among
scholars.

See bird gods; lightning (symbol); Nin-
hursaga; Nisroch; rainbow; Slain Heroes;
Uraš (god); Uraš (goddess); Zababa.

Nirah: see snake gods.

Nisaba

Asone of the group of signs used in writing her
name (a pictograph of an ear of grain) shows, it
is most likely that the goddess Nisaba was in
origin a grain goddess. The form of the name
Nisaba (or Nissaba) seems more correct than
Nidaba.

The cult of this daughter of An and Uras is
attested from Early Dynastic times. Nisaba
was, or became, a goddess of writing,
accounting and scribal knowledge. At Lagaš

Nisroch

she was a member of the local pantheon of that
area (see local gods), where she was regarded
as a daughter of Enlil and hence a sister of
Ningirsu. The god Haya was her husband, but
later, probably because of her association with
the scribal art, Nabû (also a scribal deity) was
said to be her spouse. She was also sometimes
identified with the goddess Nanibgal (see
Ennugi).

In the Early Dynastic Period, Nisaba was
a personal goddess of the rulers of the
Sumerian city of Umma. Later, however, dur-
ing the Isin-Larsa Period, she was regarded as
patron goddess of the city of Ereš. The goddess
of nearby Šuruppag, Sud (see Ninlil), was
regarded as her daughter. In the myth ‘Enlil
and Sud’, when Enlil, god of Nippur, wishes to
marry Sud, he has to seek the approval of
Nisaba.

Nisroch

The Assyrian king Sennacherib was murdered
in 681Bc, apparently by Arad-Mullissu and
another of his sons (they had been passed
over for succession in favour of Esarhaddon).
According to the Biblical account (2 Kings: 19;
also 2 Chronicles: 32, Isaiah: 37 and Tobit: 1),
Sennacherib was killed while worshipping in
the temple of his god, ‘Nisroch’. It is not clear
to which Assyrian god this refers: it has been
suggested that it is a corruption of Ninurta,
but this is unsubstantiated.

When in the nineteenth century aD Sir
Austen Henry Layard excavated the palace
of the Assyrian king Assurnasirpal II (ruled
883-859 BC) at the city of Kalhu (modern Nim-
rud), he discovered large numbers of bas-
reliefs which depicted images of a winged
eagle-headed figure. Referring these to the
Biblical story, Layard labelled the figures
‘Nisroch’ (in view of Ninurta’s supposed
character as a bird god). As a monumental
figure-type in the palaces the eagle-headed
man is now known not to be present as late as
the reign of Sennacherib, the term ‘Nisroch’ is
still occasionally found in modern art his-
torical literature for this figure, otherwise
known as the griffin-demon.

143

118

‘Nude Hero’

‘Nude Hero’: see Lahmu.

nude woman
Hand-made clay figurines of nude females
appear in Mesopotamia in prehistoric times;
they have applied and painted features. Figur-
ines of nude women impressed from a pottery
or stone mould first appear at the beginning of
the second millennium sc. Though the pos-
tures vary slightly, the figurines are in most
respects similar and probably were mass-pro-
duced. It is very unlikely that they represent a
universal mother goddess, although they may
have been intended to promote fertility. Pos-
sibly the same idea was responsible for a related
group of female figures breast-feeding infants.

Early second-millennium Bc seals and clay
figurines commonly depict a full-frontal nude
female. Often she stands on a plinth as if rep-
resenting a cult statue. The figure never wears
the horned cap of divinity, but she sometimes
appears to be the object of worship. It has been
suggested that she represents [Star (Inana) in
her aspect as goddess of sexual love (see pros-
titution and ritual sex) or, according to
another theory, the goddess Sala.

In Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian art, a

sa
EA

TFS

118 A woman in the nude standing on a plinth,
(lefi) a detail from a cylinder seal, and (right) in
relief on a baked clay plaque from Larsa. Old
Babylonian Period.

144

frontally standing naked female who does wear
a horned cap and is often winged is un-
doubtedly Star as goddess of sex (although the
more menacing renderings of the type have
been interpreted by some as representations of
the demoness Lilitu).

Nudimmud: see Enki.

numbers

Some numbers acquire special religious or
magical significance for essentially mathe-
matical reasons. Three, for instance, has
always been regarded as important because of
its magical usefulness and its perfection: three
points can be arranged graphically such that
each point is equidistant from the others.
Alternatively, if one point is taken as the centre,
the other two can be placed equidistantly on
either side of it. Thus the world was divided by
the Babylonians into three superimposed
regions, heaven, earth and underworld, with
the earth in the middle. The heaven was
divided horizontally into three regions one
above the other (see cosmology), or the eastern
horizon was divided vertically into three
bands, the ways of Anu (An), Enlil and Ea
(Enki) (see astrology and astronomy).

The earlier, Sumerian, cosmology of the
rectangular field-shaped earth with four
‘corners’ was probably the origin of the four
directions and four winds (usually enumerated
in the order south, north, east and west).

As for Neo-Assyrian foundation figurines,
two sets of five model dogs (two of each colour)
were deposited.

By far the most significant number for the
ancient Mesopotamians was seven. It is difficult
to see what the origin of this significance can
have been. The group of gods called the Seven
(gods) were equated with the Pleiades (con-
ventionally seven in number). In magic, in-
cantations must often be repeated seven times,
seven demons expelled, seven gods invoked,
ritual actions are carried out seven (or seven
times seven) times, seven cylinder seals are
hung round the neck of a patient, and so on.
There are seven (or fourteen) gates to the

underworld. Seven in some of these contexts
may be replaced by eight. Sometimes ‘seven’ or
‘eight’ is used to indicate an indefinite number.

There were eleven Slain Heroes, and
Tiamat’s creatures were also eleven in
number.

Fifty is frequently used simply to indicate
a large number. The Babylonian Epic of
Creation concludes with a hymn to the Fifty
Names of Marduk.

Since the Babylonians used a sexagesimal
system of counting, multiples of sixty, and in
particular the number 3,600 (607), for which
they had a special word (sar), and on occasion
36,000, were also used to express particularly
high numbers — much as we use ‘hundreds’,
‘thousands’ or ‘millions’.

Numbers were sometimes used to write the
names of the most important deities: 20
(Šamaš), 30 (Sîn), 40 (Œa) and 50 (Œnlil).

Numušda

The god Numušda was especially associated
with the town of Kazallu in northern Baby-
lonia. Evidence of his worship exists already in
the Early Dynastic Period, but does not con-
tinue after the Old Babylonian Period. He was
regarded as a son of Nanna, and may perhaps
have been a storm god. In the myth ‘The Mar-
riage of Martu’, the daughter of Numušda in-
sists on marrying the god Martu despite the
latter’s unattractive habits and lack of a settled
home.

Nungal

The goddess Nungal (or Manungal) was a
daughter of EreSkigal, and a deity of the
underworld. The minor god Birtum, a son of
Enlil, was considered to be her husband. She
was especially associated with the temple
E-kur at Nippur, although she was worshipped
during the late third and early second millen-
nia BC at a number of cities, and was a member
of the local pantheon of Lagaš (see local
gods). Later she was identified with Nintinuga
(see Gula).

oaths and curses

Nusku

The god Nusku (perhaps to be read Nuska) was
regarded both as a son of, and as the minister of
Enlil. In a variant tradition he is described in a
Sumerian hymn as a son of Enul and Ninul,
who are also included as ancestors of Enlil in
one version of his descent. Generally speaking,
apart from his functions as minister, Nusku
has an independent character as a god associ-
ated with fire and light. Sometimes Gibil, the
fire god, is described as the son of Nusku. In
magical incantations, Nusku is among the gods
called upon to assist in the burning of sorcerers
and witches (see magic and sorcery).

In the Neo-Assyrian Period, Nusku was
among the gods who were worshipped together
at Harran in north-west Syria (see Ningal),
and at this time he seems to have acquired an
importance out of all proportion to his rela-
tively humble beginnings. At Harran he was
regarded as the son of the principal deity there,
Sin (Nanna-Suen). This group of deities was
probably worshipped by a largely Aramaic
population, and Nusku is probably the same as
the name ‘Nasuh’ found in Neo-Assyrian per-
sonal names and as the god written ‘Nsk’ in
Old Aramaic inscriptions. These cults appear
to have lasted into the early centuries AD and
perhaps even longer.

The symbol of a lamp sometimes occurring
in Mesopotamian art from the Kassite to Neo-
Babylonian Periods is labelled on kudurrus as
an emblem of Nusku.

Oannes: see Berossos; fish-garbed figure;
Seven Sages.

oaths and curses

In any society it is normal to solemnise state-
ments, evidence or agreement by oaths, and to
penalise those who break or go back on their
oath. In the highly developed litigious world of
ancient Mesopotamia, oaths were used especi-
ally in the legal sphere, as well as in treaties and
political agreements, to confirm declarations of
all kinds. It was normal to swear by the ‘life’ of
one or more gods, and, especially in the period
when kings were deified (see deification of

145

151

offering

kings), also (or instead) by the king; in early
Assyria also by the city (of ASSur). In some legal
cases, especially concerning boundary disputes
or other matters which could not literally be
brought to court, it was common to bring to the
disputed site from the temple an emblem of the
god, such as the saw of Samaš (Utu), and for
the parties to swear on the spot in its presence.
Swearing by gods was also common in magical
conjurations, where long lists of gods were in-
voked in the exorcism of demons (see magic
and sorcery).

Dire physical and psychological penalties
were foretold for those who broke oaths. It was
believed that the very swearing of an oath, and
even more so the breaking ofan oath, generated
supernatural powers which might turn against
the swearer and from which he needed to be
protected by magic. For this reason the oath
(mamitu) is included in the list of potentially
dangerous acts which a psychologically dis-
turbed person might have inadvertently com-
mitted, causing his disturbance. Plaques de-
picting the goddess Lamastu refer in their
inscriptions to the affliction of a demon called
Mamitu, clearly a personification of the oath,
and suggest that the cause of sickness or de-
monic possession was thought to have been, in
this case, a broken oath; it has been suggested
that the symbols of the gods shown in the
uppermost register of such plaques are a visual
metaphor for the original oath. (See demons
and monsters; diseases and medicine.)

Equally dire and explicit curses were in-
voked upon those who committed social
crimes; in particular ample evidence survives
of the curses invoked on those who damaged
inscribed monuments erected by rulers, or
stone monuments recording grants of land
tenure (kudurrus). The curses are written out
on the monuments for any later reader to
peruse and to think twice about: ‘May the god
Aššur overthrow his sovereignty, smash his
weapons, defeat his army, diminish his
borders, decree the end of his reign, darken his
days, vitiate his years, and destroy his name
and his seed from the land.’

See Salmu.

146

offering: see boats of the gods; fish; sacrifice
and offering.

oil: see anointing; divination; libation.

‘omega’ symbol

A symbol approximating in form to an upright
or inverted capital Greek letter omega, but with
a number of minor variations, is first attested
on an impression from an Early Dynastic seal,
and is represented commonly from the Old
Babylonian to the Neo-Babylonian Periods. It
has variously been interpreted by modern com-
mentators as a representation of weighing-
scales, the yoke of a chariot-pole, a comet, a
large-horned quadruped, a head-band, a wig,
the bands used to swaddle a baby or as the
uterus. Supporters of the last two suggestions
usually connect the symbol with the mother
goddess Ninhursaga, or with Nintu (see
mother goddesses and birth goddesses).
Some probably Isin-Larsa or Old Babylonian
Period plaques of clay with moulded relief
show a goddess (probably Nintu) flanked by
inverted ‘omega’ motifs beneath which sit
human forms resembling newborn babies, as if
newly emerged from the womb. It has been
suggested that these rather emaciated human
forms might represent kibu-demons (deified
stillborn foetuses); such demons are known to
have been a focus of religious feeling. Perhaps
the ‘omega’ symbol was sometimes associated
with Ištar (Inana) as goddess of sex and
prostitution, for on Neo-Assyrian seals it is
shown within her shrine. On a cylinder seal of
Middle Assyrian date from Samsat on the
upper Euphrates (in present-day Turkey) a god
receives worship while standing in his boat (see
boats of the gods). Since the deity holds in

119 A divine emblem
in a form resembling an
omega. A common
depiction among the
symbols carved on
Babylonian kudurru
stones and seals.

90,119

109

144

one hand a crescent, he should be Sin
(Nanna-Suen) or a local moon god. In the
other hand he holds the ‘omega’ symbol.

oneiromancy: see divination; dreams and
visions.

Pabilsag

The worship of the god Pabilsa& is attested
from Early Dynastic times onwards. He was
regarded as a son of Enlil, and was the spouse
of Ninisina, the patron goddess of Isin (see
local gods). As such he had cult centres in both
Isin and Nippur. His personality is rather
unclear, but from the Old Babylonian Period
he was sometimes identified with Ninurta/
Ningirsu. A Sumerian poem describes the
journey of Pabilsa& to Nippur (see journeys
and processions of the gods).

Pabilsa& was also associated with the city of
Larag, one of the cities where kingship flour-
ished in antediluvian times, according to
Sumerian tradition.

Astronomically Pabilsag was the constella-
tion we know as Sagittarius (see centaur;
zodiac).

Palm-tree King
The Palm-tree King is the name of one of
the monsters conquered by the warrior god
Ninurta/Ningirsu (see Slain Heroes). Very
little is known about him. Probably the Palm-
tree King was the name of a minor local deity of
the Lagaš region whose cult was superseded by
that of Ningirsu (leading to the myth of his
conquest by Ningirsu). There is evidence that
he was worshipped at Girsu in the Early Dyn-
astic Period.

Evidence for tree cults in Mesopotamia is
very limited. The common later motif of the
stylised tree is as yet unexplained.

pantheon

There is a sense in which it is impossible, in
connection with ancient Mesopotamia, to speak
of a pantheon (‘the deities of a people collec-
tively’). This is because under the (geographi-
cally ill-determined) heading Mesopotamia at

Pazuzu

least 3,000 years of history are included, incor-
porating three main peoples (Sumerians,
Babylonians and Assyrians) but also various
other ethnic groups who either entered as con-
querors (such as Kassites) or who lived peri-
pherally to the central area (such as Amorites,
Elamites, Hurrians). Each of these groups had
their own gods. Inevitably during the enor-
mous time span, developments occurred,
especially through syncretism. Second, there
exists for Mesopotamia no statement, collec-
tively and authoritatively, of all myths or all
deities such as can be recognised from time to
time for Classical Greek or Roman mythology
(e.g. Hesiod’s Theogony or Ovid’s Metamor-
phoses). Although ‘the gods’ are often referred
to generally, this certainly meant different
things at different times.

On the other hand, because of the high
degree of syncretism between the deities of
different peoples, the pantheon can, in a sense,
be viewed, together with the cuneiform script
and the (in some ways) very conservative relig-
ious art, as one of the few unifying elements of
‘Mesopotamian’ culture. f

Altogether the names of over3,ooo divinities
are preserved in the cuneiform records. The
largest single presentation of these is the list of
gods called (from its first line) ‘An = Anum’, a
Babylonian scholarly work intended to give
Akkadian equivalents for the Sumerian deities;
in its complete form it listed about 2,000 gods
and goddesses, but the entire list has not yet
been recovered.

Papsukkal: see NinSubur (god).

Pazuzu

Pazuzu was an Assyrian and Babylonian de-
monic god of the first millennium Bc. He is
represented with a rather canine face with ab-
normally bulging eyes, a scaly body, a snake-
headed penis, the talons of a bird and usually
wings. He is often regarded as an evil under-
world demon, but he seems also to have
played a beneficent réle as a protector against
pestilential winds (especially the west wind).
His close association with Lama§Stu led to his

147

120

151

personal gods

120 A cast-copper or bronze figurine of the
demon god Pazuzu. The reverse is inscribed ‘I
am the god Pazuzu, son of the god Hanbi, king of
the evil wind demons’. Assyrian or Babylonian,
7th century Bc. Ht.146mm.

being used as a counter to her evil: he forced
her back to the underworld. Amulets of
Pazuzu were therefore positioned in dwellings
or, often in the form of his head only, were
hung around the necks of pregnant women.

Pazuzu, incidentally, made his latest
appearance to date as the demon who possessed
the girl in the Hollywood Exorcist films.

personal gods

Evidence from the third millennium sc in-
dicates that rulers, at least, would sometimes
regard a particular deity or deities as being in
some intimate way their special protector(s).

148

Thus Sargon of Agade and the kings of his
dynasty seem to have felt a special allegiance to
Ilaba, and Gudea, the ruler of Lagaš,
addresses the goddess Gatumdug as his
‘mother and father’. Similarly, Utu-hegal, who
expelled the barbarian Gutians from Sumer,
asks Dumuzi and GilgameS to be his ‘protec-
tors’. The kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur
regarded Gilgameš as their ‘brother’ and made
a special cult to that god’s father, Lugalbanda.

However, it seems to be after this period that
the idea of an individual, more personal deity
developed. This deity is usually not named and
is referred to by the worshipper as ‘my god’ or
‘my goddess’: apparently it could be a deity of
either sex, and (to judge from personal names)
everyone could have such a personal god. This
unidentified deity acted as a protective influ-
ence who watched over the life of the in-
dividual. Reference is often made to a person’s
‘god (ilu) and goddess (istaru)’. Sometimes it is
said of the personal deity that he ‘created’ the
individual who is under his protection. Pos-
sibly the name of the deity was known to the
individual but was omitted in normal speech,
since occasionally a deity is named, e.g. ‘Adad,
your god’ or ‘Ištar, my goddess’.

The idea of a benevolent personal god is
close to that of the benevolent sédu (male) or
lamassu (female), anthropomorphic beings who
accompanied people (see lama). In one text the
personal god is responsible for sending such
beings as agents of his protection.

Clearly it was important to placate the per-
sonal god or goddess, who might be offended in
all sorts of ways, deliberately or uninten-
tionally. It was often said of an unlucky person
that ‘his god had left him’, or of a psychologi-
cally disturbed person that he must have ‘offen-
ded’ his god in some way or committed an act
that was taboo for his god.

See ‘great gods’.

‘plant of life’

In the Epic of Gilgameš, when it seems clear
that Gilgameš cannot achieve the immortality
he seeks, he is given the chance of youth by the
sage Ūt-napišti (Ziusura). Ūt-napišti reveals

pan

to Gilgameš the whereabouts of a plant which
will rejuvenate him. To fetch it, Gilgameš ties
stones to his feet and enters the sea: the weights
help him to sink to the bottom, where he finds a
plant which is thorny like a rose. Gilgameš
explains to the boatman Uršanabi that by eating
the plant one can be rejuvenated: the plant is
called ‘The Old Man Has Become A Young
Man’. While Gilgameš is bathing later, a snake
smells the plant (which Gilgameš has left on
the land), takes it and as a result is able to
slough its skin.

A related theme is found in the poem of
Etana, the king who travelled to heaven on the
back of an eagle. What motivated Etana to
begin with was the childlessness of his mar-
riage. In a dream, Etana’s wife saw the sammu
Sa aladi, ‘plant of giving birth’, and it was his
prayer to Šamaš (Utu) for this plant which led
to his journey with the eagle.

Although the phrase ‘plant of life’ is not
used in the Epic of Gilgameš itself, it was
occasionally used to refer to a mythical rejuve-
nating plant. It seems also to have been the
name of a specific medicinal plant.

plough

The plough, which is known as a religious
symbol from the Early Dynastic Period down
to Neo-Assyrian times, is used on the Kassite
kudurrus to represent the god Ningirsu (and
so is in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian art
probably an emblem of Ninurta), although in
earlier periods it is shown as the attribute of

121 A seed plough. Detail from a basalt
memorial stone of King Esarhaddon of Assyria
and Babylonia (reigned 680—6698c), contain-
ing an account of the restoration of the walls and
temples of the city of Babylon.

priests and priestesses

various gods and goddesses. According to
Sumerian tradition, the plough was an inven-
tion of the god Dagan.

priests and priestesses

In almost the earliest written documents are
found lists of the titles of officials, including
various classes of priest. Some of these are
administrative functionaries of the temple
bureaucracy and others are religious spec-
ialists dealing with particular areas of the
cult. Later records make it clear that a complex
hierarchy of clergy was attached to temples,
ranging from ‘high priests’ or ‘high priest-
esses’ down to courtyard sweepers. It is not
clear whether there were fixed distinctions
between sacerdotal clergy and administrative
clergy: one particular type of priests is called
‘anointed’; others are ‘enterers of the temple’,
suggesting that certain areas of the shrines
were restricted of access. Generally speaking
female clergy were more common in the service
of female deities, but a notable exception was
the en (Akkadian entu), the chaste high priest-
ess in the temples of some gods in the Sumerian
and Old Babylonian Periods, notably that of
the moon god Nanna-Suen at Ur — where the
office was revived by Nabonidus in neo-
Babylonian times (see Sipar) — and in temples
at Larsa, Isin, Sippar, Nippur and Kis. Some-
times the office was held by a daughter of the
king. Other priestesses were:

naditu, ugbabtu: these lived secluded lives in a
residence within the temple, although they
could own property and engage in business;
qadistu, kulmasitu: these, in contrast, may have
been involved in ritual prostitution.

Among the classes of priests were:
en (Akkadian ēnu): a priest corresponding to
the entu, but serving in the cult of female de-
ities such as Inana of Uruk;
masmas (äšipu or maSmassu): magicians special-
ising in medical and magical rites to ensure
protection from demons, disease and sorcery
(see magic and sorcery);

149

123

processions of the gods

et
e:

122 A female, perhaps the goddess Inana, stands
in front of ring-post symbols and receives offer-
ings from a procession of naked men, thought to
be priests of her temple. Detail from a stone vase
of the Late Uruk Period found at Uruk (modern
Warka).

mas-su-gid-gid (barú): diviners specialising in
extispicy (see divination);

gala (kalů): musicians specialising in perfor-
mance of balag and other cult songs (probably
in choirs, accompanied by drums);

nar (néru): musicians specialising in solo per-
formance of praise songs, accompanying them-
selves on stringed instruments; in general,
singers;

muhaldim (nuhatimmu): temple cooks (there
were also slaughterers, brewers, etc.);

isib (pasisu and ramku): priests specialising in
purification rituals (see anointing);

sanga (Sangi): generally ‘priests’, but also ad-
ministrators;

Satam (Satammu): temple administrators;

150

ensi (female) (male sa@’ilu, female sa’iltu):
dream interpreters.

Priests and priestesses may have entered the
clergy through dedication. They were prob-
ably distinguished by their priestly dress,
especially by their hats or (in some cases) by
being shaven-headed, or by their nudity. The
titles and functions of the priests varied, of
course, from time to time and place to place.

See animal skins; fish-garbed figure;
Sacred Marriage.

processions of the gods: see journeys and
processions of the gods.

prostitution and ritual sex

Herodotus, writing about Babylon in the fifth
century BC, states that every woman once in her
life had to go to the temple of ‘Aphrodite’, i.e.
Ištar (Inana), and sit there waiting until a
stranger cast a coin in her lap as the price ofher
favours. Then she was obliged to go with him
outside the temple and have intercourse, to
render her duty to the goddess. The story is
probably highly imaginative. However, the

123 An Assyrian kalů playing a musical instru-
ment. Detail from a fragmentary stone relief
from the royal palace at Nineveh of King Senna-
cherib (reigned 704-6818c). Ht.1.00m.

second-century AD writer Lucian describes,
apparently from personal knowledge, a very
similar custom in the temple of ‘Aphrodite’
(probably Astarte) at Byblos in Lebanon.

Of course prostitution existed in ancient
Mesopotamia (where marriage was an impor-
tant legal contract), and is often referred to. A
famous prostitute in Babylonian literature is
Šamhat, who first seduces Enkidu in the Epic
of Gilgameš. Later, on his deathbed, Enkidu
curses her in a passage which implies that the
normal places for prostitutes would be in the
tavern, by the city walls, at the crossroads and
in the desert.

prostitution and ritual sex

Prostitutes are mentioned together with
various groups of women engaged in more or
less religious activities. Inana/Ištar seems to

have been presented as a protective goddess of 87

prostitutes. In cult songs the goddess some-
times refers to herself as a prostitute, and her
temple is metaphorically called a tavern. It
seems possible that prostitution was to some
extent organised in the same way as other
female activities (such as midwifery or wet-
nursing) and in some way manipulated through
the temple organisation. But this is a subject
which is still not clearly understood and where
further research would shed light upon the
exploitation of women in Mesopotamia.

Numerous objects from Mesopotamia
ranging in date from prehistoric to Middle
Assyrian times depict scenes of sexual inter-
course, which, rightly or wrongly, have been
interpreted as representations of ritual sex, in
particular the Sacred Marriage. The practice
of other sexual rituals involving lesser mortals
and with less nationally important aims seems
to be implicit in the many obscure allusions in
the literature to sexual activities of a public
nature, and the pictorial evidence should prob-
ably be related to these. Analysis is made diffi-
cult both because the few remarks in written
sources are vague and obscure, and because
much of the iconographic material is unpub-
lished (a reflection of modern academic eti-
quette).

Depiction of frontal sexual intercourse with
the man on top seems to be restricted to the
glyptic art of the Early Dynastic Period (with
one possible attestation in Akkadian Period
art). A distinctive type of bed with animal legs,
the presence of other figures besides the lovers
and, occasionally, banquets suggest that a defi-
nite ritual — perhaps the Sacred Marriage — and
not private intercourse, is involved.

In the early second millennium BC, numer-
ous baked clay plaques show a scene of sexual
intercourse with the man entering the woman
from behind while she is bending over, drink-
ing from a vessel through a long straw.

On Middle Assyrian lead figurines depic-
ting intercourse, the man stands and the

I5I

129

124

purification

124 Some items of a sexual nature from the
Middle Assyrian temple of [Star at Aššur. A lead
figurine in the form of a scene of sexual inter-
course, apparently taking place on an altar.
Models of human sexual organs, with holes for
attachment and suspension: phalli of stone, and a
pubic triangle and vulva of baked clay.

woman always rests upon a high structure,
usually interpreted as an altar. These figurines
may very likely represent ritual intercourse,
although definitely not the earlier Sacred Mar-
riage, which involved a bed and not an altar.
Instead they are probably in some way associ-
ated with the cult of Ištar (Inana) as goddess of
physical love and prostitution, and were, in
fact, found in her temple at ASSur (see temples
and temple architecture). From the same
building come models of male and female
human sexual organs: phalli of stone and clay,
realistically pierced longitudinally down the
middle (and possibly worn on the person or by
wooden statues) and clay models of the female
pubes and vulva.

152

All these objects doubtless had some
amuletic property, and since sexual scenes in-
volving only the copulating couple and no
other persons are very rare, it may be that most
of the representations are of some kind of cultic
rather than private sex. Babylonian incant-
ations to help overcome sexual impotence pres-
cribe, as part of the accompanying procedures:
“You make a figurine’, to be placed at the head
of the bed during intercourse. Old Babylonian
Period. clay plaques with scenes of a sexual
nature may have served such a function.

See flour; priests and priestesses.

purification
In order to perform the service of the gods with
sacrifice and offering, to take part in religious
rituals or to carry out effectively rites involving
magic (especially those directed against sor-
cery), it was necessary for the participants to be
‘pure’.

Most purification rites involve the perfor-
mance of actions which are metaphors.
Sweeping and water-sprinkling clear the

shrine and settle the dust, (metaphorically)
purifying the locality. The burning of incense
and other aromatics cleanses the air and (meta-
phorically) purifies the atmosphere. Bathing
and hand-washing by the participants clean the
body and (metaphorically) purify the person.

On occasion animal sacrifices can have a
purificatory effect, as in the New Year cere-
monies: on the fifth day of the ceremonies, a
magician entered and cleaned the vacant
shrine of the god Nabû within the Esagil com-
plex. (The cult statue of Nabû had not yet
arrived from Borsippa, the neighbouring town
where Nabû normally resided.) The magician
summoned a slaughterer to decapitate a sheep,
with the corpse of which he would purify the
shrine of Nabû. (The word used, literally ‘wipe
clean’, is often used in a transferred sense.)
In due course the corpse was thrown into the
river which passed by the temple; likewise the
slaughterer disposed of the sheep’s head. The
details of this ritual are very similar to nam-
burbd rituals, intended to avert the effect of
future evils (see magic and sorcery). Clearly it
concerns the shrine of Nabû, and not that of
Marduk, usually thought of as central to the
New Year ceremonies.

See bucket and cone; stylised tree and its
‘rituals’; priests and priestesses.

Qingu

In the Babylonian Epic of Creation, after the
death of Apsû (see abzu) at the hands of Ea
(Enki), Tiamat created as her champion and
chief of her military forces the god Qingu
(pronounced ‘Kingu’). Authority was con-
ferred upon him when Tiamat presented to
him the tablet of destinies. He is described as
Tiamat’s lover. When Qingu’s army was con-
fronted by Marduk, however, it soon lost heart
and evaporated. Only Tiamat herself and her
guard of monsters (Tiamat’s creatures) stood
their ground, but in the ensuing battle they too
were defeated and killed. Qingu and the gods
of his host were then taken prisoner, and
paraded in Marduk’s triumphal procession.
Marduk wrested the tablet of destinies from
him and presented it to Anu (An).

right and left

After his victory, Marduk set about the task
of reconstruction and reorganisation. With the
exception of Qingu he pardoned the captured
gods, pressing them into his team for the build-
ing of Babylon. Then, however, he conceived
the idea of further delegating the labours to a
new race: mankind. At the suggestion of his
father Ea, in order to create mankind, he
charged Qingu with high treason and sen-
tenced him to death. After the execution, man-
kind was made from the god’s blood.

See creation; dead gods.

rabisu: see demons and monsters.

rainbow
The crown of the god Ninurta was described
as a rainbow. Manzat, the Akkadian word for
rainbow, was also the name of a goddess and of
a star in the constellation Andromeda. The star
may be illustrated on a kudurru as a rainbow
arching over a horse’s head. (A star called the
Horse was located near the star Rainbow.)
‘Rainbow’ was also a literary name of the city
of Uruk.

ram-headed staff: see standards, staves and
sceptres of the gods.

rhomb

The ‘rhomb’ or ‘lozenge’ is a pointed oval
within four enclosing perimeter lines. It is a
very common motif in Mesopotamian art from
early historic times until the Neo-Assyrian
Period. Its significance is uncertain. The sym-
bol has been variously explained as a grain of
corn, a date-stone,:a symbol of earth, an eye,
or a woman’s vulva. That it is closely
associated in art with the goddess Ištar
(Inana) and is similar to the clay models of
vulvae found in her temple at Aššur supports
the last suggestion. The rhomb seems to have
had a magically protective function.

right and left

The ancient Mesopotamians invariably spoke
of ‘right and left in that order. The right hand
was the hand of greeting or benediction, and of

153

1,90

139

ring-post

purity, used for eating. Presumably because of
the right-handedness of the majority of people
the right side (of the liver, of the moon,
of constellations) was associated, generally
speaking, with good fortune in divination
while the left was associated with bad, but
because of the complexity of the divination cal-
culus and the necessity to take all ominous
aspects of the entrails or other ominous mater-
ial into account to produce a complete answer,
this cannot be taken as an overall generalis-
ation: in extispicy, for instance, it was not only
the position of the organ, but the position of the
ominous feature in the organ, that needed to be
considered.

Divine and semi-divine protective figurines
of the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
Periods can have the left leg uncovered and
advanced. This may be related to their function
in warding off and driving out the spirits of evil
(see demons and monsters).

In terms of divine protection, it was con-
sidered desirable to have benevolent deities
standing at one’s right side and at one’s left.

ring-post

The ring-headed post, usually with streamers,
is common in early historic art, mainly from
Uruk, often depicted as a doorpost for a struc-
ture built of reeds and probably made of a
bundle of reeds bound together, with the upper
ends bent over to make a loop for the cross-
pole. As this shape is the earliest form of the
written sign for the name of the goddess Inana,
it ought to be her symbol. After the Uruk
Period, the symbol is to be found, though
rarely, until the Early Dynastic Period, after
which it disappears from art. Its disappearance
may have been due to the obsolescence of
pictographic writing.

A rather different ring-headed post without
streamer is known as a symbol in Early Dyn-
astic art. That it is often carried as a gatepost by
gods with curls (see Lahmu) suggests a poss-
ible association with the god Enki.

154

125 (above) A baked-clay model
of a so-called ring-post, symbol
of the goddess Inana, from Uruk
(modern Warka). Uruk Period.

126 (right) A ring-staff. Detail
from the carving on a stone bowl
of the Uruk Period from Uruk.

126

127

river ordeal

127 Cattle gather around a byre, distinguished
by its poles with rings. From a cylinder seal of the
Late Uruk Period.

ring-staff

This symbol is common in early historic art
and, like the ring-post, was used as a sign
in pictographic script, but its meaning is
unknown. In the earliest representations it is
often seen in an architectural context and in
association with scenes of animal husbandry. It
was most popular as a symbol and attribute in
the Neo-Sumerian Period, and is last found in
Old Babylonian art. When held as an object, in
these later representations, it is always held by a
god, never a goddess. Suggestions for the
identity of this god are Adad (ISkur) and the
sun god Šamaš (Utu). Advocates ofthe former
sometimes regard the symbol as a stylisation of
the lightning (symbol), while supporters of
the identification of the god as Samaš have seen
the ring-staff as a version of the rod and ring,
thought by some to be a symbol of Samaš.
Whatever may be the merits of this last argu-
ment, an identification of the god who holds
the ring-staff as Šamaš may be the more
plausible suggestion, for the symbol is also
occasionally associated with the bull-man.

river god: see river ordeal.

river of the underworld

According to some traditions about the under-
world, it was reached, as in the later Greek
tradition, by crossing a river. However, this
was an untypical view rather than the usual

one (according to which the underworld was
located beneath the earth, beneath the abzu: see
cosmology). In the Neo-Assyrian poem ‘A
Vision of the Underworld’, the ferryman was
the demon Humut-tabal (whose name means
‘Hurry and Take Away’). With this may be
compared the ferryman Sursunabu or UrSan-
abi in the Epic of Gilgameš, who ferries Gil-
gameš across the waters of death. However,
Uršanabi is more properly the ferryman of Üt-
napišti (Ziusura), and when he visited Üt-
napišti Gilgameš was not visiting the under-
world.

Scenes in Neo-Babylonian art showing
Lamaštu being driven back to the underworld
typically depict her riding her donkey, set
within her boat which sails upon a river, pre-
sumably that of the underworld.

The precise location of the river of the
underworld is not clear. Sometimes it is called
by the name Hubur (Sumerian id lu rugu,
which may mean ‘The river which blocks a
man’s way’).

river ordeal

It was standard practice in Mesopotamia from
the Old Babylonian Period on, when a legal
dispute was not soluble by rational means (as,
for example, because of conflicting sworn testi-
mony by the parties involved), to refer the case
to the River god: in other words to decide by
means of a river ordeal. The judgement would
then be declared in the name of Id (the ‘Divine
River’), or Šazi (son of the River god), or Ea
(Enki). The person subjected to the ordeal was

155

rod and ring

required to plunge into the river (at a special
location in the presence of the authorities) and
possibly to swim a certain distance. Ifthey came
out safe, they were cleared. If they were over-
come and sank, they were guilty and had to
return to the court for sentencing (fine or exe-
cution), except in the unintended eventuality of
their drowning. It seems likely that only one of
the litigants, selected by lot, underwent the or-
deal: in which case it would be the lot, as much
as the contestants’ ability to swim, which deter-
mined the outcome. The river ordeal was
regarded as a solemn expedient, and was in
effect a form of divination.

The usual name for the river ordeal was
hursén (Sumerian id lu rugu). Sometimes the
river of the ordeal was identified with a specific
4 (deified) river, such as the Daban or Diyala
(both lying north-east of Babylonia) or Hubur
{possibly identical with the Habur, an affluent
of the upper Euphrates). All these rivers lie
outside Babylonia and it is possible that the
river of the ordeal in these cases is connected
with the river of the underworld, perhaps
thought to lie at a distant extremity of the
known world. Otherwise the river is simply
called the (deified) River.

See witchcraft.

rod and ring

75 With the exception of doubtful Early Dynastic

renderings, the divine attribute ‘rod and ring’
(apparently so called also in Akkadian) occurs
in art from the Sumerian Renaissance to the
Neo-Assyrian Period. It is thought to depict a
pair of measuring instruments, a rule and a
tape, taken as symbolic of divine justice. A par-

rosette

Rosettes appear on the short ends of an Uruk
Period trough from Uruk, in association with
animals and a barn adorned with posts of
Inana (see ring-post).

On seals of Mitannian style, the symbol of
seven dots is normally arranged in the form of
a rosette. This is not connected, however, with
the rosettes known from Middle Assyrian art,
most commonly of faïence and found together
in large numbers. Since many were found in
the temple of Ištar (Inana) at the city of Aššur,
some scholars have connected the motif with
Ištar, and it is possible that in the Neo-Assyrian
Period the rosette occasionally replaced the

73 ticular association with the god Šamaš (Utu)
27 has therefore been suspected. Sometimes,
however, the rod and ring appear to be a staff
and chaplet of beads. It is evident that they
frontis, represent a general indication of high-ranking
105,132 divinity, for they could be held by all the major
gods and goddesses. On the Neo-Assyrian re-
31 liefs at Maltai, male deities carry a ‘rod and
ring’, female deities a ring without rod, per-

haps a chaplet of beads.

See ring-staff.

128 Middle Assyrian Period rosettes: from the
temple of the goddess Ištar in the city of Aššur,
(lefi) in faïence and (righ) in lead.

156

129

129 A baked-clay model of a
bed, with loving couple,
probably of Isin-Larsa or
Old Babylonian date. Such
items have been thought to
have some cultic relationship
with the rites of the
‘marriage’ of Dumuzi and
Inana. L.rrymm.

star as her symbol. The evidence, however, is
unclear. Single rosettes are often seen as a
decoration on wrist-straps worn by both human
and supernatural figures in Neo-Assyrian
monumental art.

Sacred Marriage

Sacred Marriage is a term borrowed from the
history of Greek religion (hieros gamos) to de-
scribe at least two different sorts of ritual in
ancient Mesopotamia. The idea of marriage
between deities is used in a number of Meso-
potamian myths as one way of explaining
creation. In a ritual of which records date
mostly from the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian Periods or later, a marriage
between two deities was enacted in a symbolic

Sacred Marriage

ceremony (called hasddu) in which their cult
statues were brought together. A ceremonial
bed was required so that the statues could
‘marry’. Such symbolic ceremonies are known
for Marduk and Sarpanitu (forming a part of
the New Year ceremonies), Nabû and
Tašmētu (or Nanaya), Šamaš (Utu) and Aya
(Serida); and Anu (An) and Antu. These
‘marriages’ do not appear to have been directly
related to particular myths.

Quite different from this, and known from
much earlier periods, is a ritual love-making
apparently between a deified human king (see
deification of kings) and the goddess Inana,
seen as a symbolic counterpart to the mythical
union of the god Dumuzi with Inana. The
exclusively literary evidence for this ‘marriage’

157

sacred tree

dates from the period of the Third Dynasty of
Ur and the Isin Period, and it is still uncertain
whether a real (temporary) ‘marriage’ between
the king and a human priestess representing
Inana actually took place, or if the whole ritual
was purely symbolic. The beautiful songs and
poems in Sumerian belonging to the Inana-
Dumuzi cult suggest that the fertility of veg-
etation, animals and humans was believed in
some way to depend upon the union of Inana
and Ama-uSumgal-ana (an aspect of Dumuzi);
but as no exact description of a ritual survives
(in the way that details are preserved of the New
Year ceremonies), itis difficult to know whether
some form of dramatic re-enactment took place
or not. A ‘marriage’ between an entu priestess
(see priests and priestesses) and a local
storm god, probably Adad or Wer (see ISkur),
is known from the Syrian town of Emar in the
fourteenth century BC. Possibly here too a ruler
impersonated the god.

It is not known what the immediate source of
information was for the story recounted by
Herodotus (who may have visited Babylon in
the fifth century BC) according to which a
woman spent the night in a shrine on top of the
ziggurat of Babylon, waiting to be visited by
Bél (Marduk) himself, although it is clearly
reminiscent of what is known from earlier
periods in Mesopotamia.

See prostitution and ritual sex.

sacred tree: see stylised tree and its ‘rituals’.

sacrifice and offering

The widespread Mesopotamian idea of man
having been created to act as the servant of the
gods meant that it was considered necessary
to feed and clothe the gods constantly and to
make them presents. Among these various sorts
of offering, the term sacrifice refers especially
to the killing of an animal. Exactly the same
foods and drinks were offered to the gods as
were consumed by humans, with perhaps more
emphasis on the luxury items: frequent fresh
meat, fish, cream, honey, cakes and the best
sorts of beer. Incense and aromatic woods were
burned before them, as they might be at a

158

human banquet. These sacrifices and offerings
took two forms: the ‘regular’ offerings, offered
at meal times daily throughout the year (just as
daily services are performed in a Christian
church); and the special, occasional offerings
made at festivals which might be monthly or
annual occurrences. Clothing was also offered.
The actual comestibles and garments were
redistributed to the temple staff (according
to strict hierarchical regulations, from high
priests down to courtyard sweepers) after
being presented to the gods. In addition to the
organised offerings, individuals might make
personal offerings as they chose.

Offerings made as presents fall into three
categories. First, those which were ‘useful’ to
the gods — beds, chairs, boats, cups and vessels,
weapons dedicated from war booty, and jewel-
lery—were all absorbed into the temple treasury
as part of the ‘property’ of the god. Second,
statues of the offerers might be placed before
the god to represent them in constant prayer
before the deity. These and other thank offer-
ings often carry inscriptions stating that they
were offered ‘for the life of’ the offerer, or on
behalf of some other person. Finally, offerings
might be made as a form of request. Models of
human limbs, of beds, of pregnant women and
figurines of animals may have been of this
type.

It was not only on altars and offering tables
within temples that animal sacrifice was
offered, for in the earliest periods certain places
outside the temple proper were specifically de-
marcated for this purpose. In one of the series
of prehistoric (Ubaid Period) temples at Eridu
and in a room close by the entrance of another,
archaeologists found heaps of ash containing
great quantities of fish bones. They were
apparently not part of a store of food or left-
overs from the kitchens, but the remains of
continual and repeated sacrifice. In a later
(Uruk Period) building an enclosure was filled
up with ash and fish bones. Unlike the earlier
temple rooms, this enclosure was three-sided,
with an open front, and represented a delin-
eated area away from the temple itself. Fish
offerings of the prehistoric and early historic

periods are also known from Girsu (Tello) and
Uruk, where large quantities of fish bones, in-
cluding complete skeletons and skins, were
found crammed into enclosures.

This type of large-scale fish offering is
unknown from the Third Early Dynastic
Period and later. Instead, from these early his-
toric periods, enclosed deposits are found
which contained mixed offerings of various
animals, including fish, birds and other small
animals, as well as goats and cattle. Some of
these deposits also contained grain and veg-
etable matter. They are of two main kinds: a
room containing shallow rectangular trenches,
each with a slanting floor (confined to the Early
Dynastic Period), and circular brick structures
(found commonly up to and including the
period of the Third Dynasty of Ur, with a last
known occurrence in the Old Babylonian
Period).

In the first of these arrangements, the areas
of sacrifice were laid out almost identically to
the earlier fish offering places, with a narrow
trench (some four metres long by two-thirds of
a metre wide) dug at an angle into the floor of
an enclosure. The inside walls of the trench
were plastered with clay, and replastered after
each incineration. Occasionally the sides of the
trench were lined with bricks. Reeds or reed
mats were laid on the floor. The trench was cut
straight at the entrance, but was rounded at the
deeper end, where the fire was kindled. After
everything was burnt, the trench was swept
clean and prepared for the next incineration. At
Uruk the entrance to the trench was always ori-
ented to the north-east. In some instances large
pottery vessels were placed alongside the tren-
ches; they also contained the bones of fish,
birds and other small animals. Sometimes the
enclosures became so congested with sacrificial
debris that the surrounding walls had to be
increased in height. Some of the sacrificial
trenches at Uruk (among the earliest) are
located in the precinct of E-ana, the temple of
Inana. Ata slightly later date they were filled in
with regularly laid brickwork and were no
longer used.

The rounded structures seem to have served

Samana

more or less the same function. They were
sited either within enclosures or (apparently)
on open-air plots.

We known nothing about the background to
this method of sacrifice, only that they were
constantly repeated in the same places, often
close by the temple, but never within the
sanctuaries themselves.

See afterlife; dedication; food and drink
of the gods; human sacrifice; libation.

Salmu

The Akkadian word salmu (Sumerian nu or
alam) is used to refer to any piece of rep-
resentative art — figurative or not. ‘Image’, ‘rep-
resentation’ or ‘representative’ (in the sense of
an object standing for a person or creature
without necessarily being a portrayal of them)
are all possible translations. The word is used
to refer to statues, stelae and figurines. It can
also mean ‘constellation’.

From at least the Middle Assyrian Period,
Salmu sometimes is used as the proper name of
a deity, a sun god who can be identified with
Sama and, in one Middle Babylonian text, is
regarded as the father of the god Bunene (see
Utu). In Neo-Assyrian sources, the name
occasionally occurs in the plural, as if denoting
a group of deities. The form Salmu-Sarri
(“Salmu of the king?) is probably a modified
name of the same god(s) (singular or plural).

Ithas been suggested that Şalmuis a name for
the winged disc.

Samana

Incantations from the Old Babylonian Period
are intended to protect infants, young men and
women and prostitutes from attack by the
demon Samana, who is described as having a
lion’s mouth, dragon’s teeth, eagle’s claws and
the tail of a scorpion. The name seems also to
be associated with a grain disease, possibly
spread by a noxious insect.

Itis not certain if this demon is originally the
same as the minor deity whose worship is attes-
ted at Lagaš and one or two other Sumerian
towns during the Early Dynastic Period. The
writing of his name is irregular, but appears to

159

Sarpanitu

have been pronounced Saman. He was also
(under the name Saman-ana) included among
the Slain Heroes enumerated in the poem
Lugale.

Sarpanitu

Sarpanitu was the name of the goddess who was
regarded as the wife of Marduk, and who was
consequently the principal goddess of the city
of Babylon. She was worshipped under the
name Erua as a goddess of childbirth, from
Akkadian eri, ‘to be pregnant’. Her name
Sarpanitu probably means ‘she of Sarpan’ (the
name of an (as yet) unlocated town or village,
perhaps near to Babylon), not, as was formerly
thought, ‘she who shines like refined silver
(sarpu)’.

See Dilmunite gods; Sacred Marriage.

Sataran: see [Staran.

saw: see Utu.

160

scimitar: see Nergal; standards, staves and
sceptres of the gods.

scorpion
Representations of scorpions are known from
prehistoric times onwards, but not unequi-
vocally as a religious symbol until late in the
Kassite Period on kudurrus, on which the
creature is labelled as a symbol of the goddess
IShara.

Although not fatal, the sting of the scorpion
found in Mesopotamia is sufficiently painful to

130 (above) A scorpion,
symbol of the goddess
Shara. One of the
symbols carved on a
kudurru of the Kassite
Period.

131 (eft) Neo-Assyrian
cylinder seals, with rolled
impressions, depicting
different kinds of
scorpion-men.
Hts.29mm.

7,90,
130

ret

suggest the creature as a suitable image of
power and protection. Magical spells were used
to counteract the effect of the sting. On repre-
sentations of scorpions and scorpion-people,
the tail is always emphasised, rising up threat-
eningly along the back or over the head.

The Scorpion was also the Babylonian name
of the constellation Scorpius (see zodiac).

scorpion-people

Girtablullû, ‘scorpion-man’, is the Akkadian
term for a supernatural being with a horned
cap of divinity, human head with beard, human
body, the hindquarters and talons of a bird, a
snake-headed penis, and a scorpion’s tail. He
may or may not have wings. The creature is first
seen in the art of the Third Dynasty of Ur and
of the Akkadian Period, but was common only
in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian times.
The type survived in art until the Hellenistic
Period. As attendants of Šamaš (Utu) (in art
often supporting the solar winged disc or with
their heads possibly shown above its wing
tips), the scorpion-men were also, by the Neo-
Assyrian Period, powerful protectors against
demons. Wooden figurines of them are
prescribed, along with figurines of other
beneficent demons and monsters, in Neo-
Assyrian instructions for rituals of protective
magic, and an actual example has been found
in a storeroom at the seventh-century BC
Urartian city of Teišebaini (modern Karmir
Blur). These rituals mention figurines of ‘male

132 A worshipper kneels
before the god Aššur.
(Behind stands the weather
god Adad.) The design of a
Middle Assyrian seal of the
god Assur, from its
impression on one of the
clay tablets of the ‘vassal
treaties’ of King
Esarhaddon. Found at
Kalhu (modern Nimrud).
The background was
covered with a long text,
now very faint and largely

Sebittu

and female’ scorpion-people, showing that the
‘scorpion-woman’ was a figure in art, although
no representation of her has yet been
identified: pairs of scorpion-tailed figures
are common but seem usually to represent
two bearded males (compare merman and
mermaid).

In the Babylonian Epic of Creation, the
scorpion-man is counted as one of Tiamat’s
creatures, while in the Epic of Gilgameš, a
terrifying scorpion-man and scorpion-woman
guard the gate of Mount Magu, where the sun
rises.

An iconographically rather different human
and scorpion combination with human head,
the full body and legs of a bird, and a scor-
pion’s tail is seen in Kassite, Neo-Assyrian,
Neo-Babylonian and Seleucid Period art. It is
unclear whether this is also a girtablulla.

seals of the gods

Like humans, the gods had their own seals for
marking their property or for giving their
agreement to legal documents. In practice they
were used to signify the property or the agree-
ment of the administration. Among the most
famous are the cylinder seals of the god Aššur
rolled on the tablets of the so-called ‘vassal
treaties’ of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon
(reigned 680-669 BC), which were intended to
ensure the royal succession.

Sebittu: see Seven (demons); Seven (gods).

illegible.

161

90, 131

133
49,55

151

87,159

serpents
serpents: see dragons; snakes.
seven: see numbers.

Seven (demons)

The Akkadian word sebittu is a singular noun
meaning a ‘group of seven’; Sumerian zminbi
corresponds to it. ‘The Seven’ is a name given
to a group of demons, the offspring of An and
Ki, who act as assistants to the god Nergal
(Erra). One collection of magical incantations
seems to identify the Seven with seven named
evil udugs, sometimes also called ‘Seven and
seven’ or ‘Seven times seven’.

See Seven (gods).

seven dots

With possible antecedents dating back to pre-
historic times, the symbol of the seven dots
(or globes) is first known in unequivocal form
in Mitannian glyptic art, and became common
in the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
Periods. On Mitannian seals the dots are
usually arranged as six dots around a central
dot, forming a kind of rosette. Thereafter,
however, the dots are normally shown simply in
two rows of three, with the seventh dot placed
between the rows at the far end. From early on
(at least from Middle Assyrian times), the
seven dots appears as a symbol in close associ-
ation with other clearly astral symbols such as
the solar disc and the crescent. In Assyrian,
Babylonian and later art, they were regarded as
a representation of the Pleiades: a new, though
less popular, version of the symbol showed
seven stars rather than dots. Inscriptions also

O00
000°

133 Seven dots, symbol of the Seven (gods), as
commonly depicted in Neo—Assyrian and
Neo-Babylonian art.

162

identify the symbol as that of the Sebittu or
Seven (gods), with whom the Pleiades were
evidently associated.

See zodiac.

Seven (gods)

As well as for a group of demons (see Seven
(demons)), Sebittu (Sumerian Iminbi), ‘the
Seven’, is a name given to a group of beneficent
gods whose power can be harnessed against evil
demons by means of magical incantations.
“The Seven’ operate together with their sister
Naridu, probably in origin the Elamite god-
dess Narunte (see Elamite gods), and so may
themselves be of Elamite origin. They should
be distinguished from the Babylonian Seven
Sages (apkalli). They may be identical with the
seven children of Shara. They are sometimes
named (as ‘Seven and seven’) together with
another group, who may be the seven sons of
EnmeSarra. There were temples to these
Seven at the Assyrian capital cities of Kalhu
(Nimrud), Dir-Sarkén (Khorsabad) and
Nineveh. Astrologically they were identified
with the star-group Pleiades.

The standard iconography of the Seven in
the Neo-Assyrian Period is known. They wear
tall cylindrical hats with feathered upper
borders, and long open robes. Each carries an
axe and a knife, as well as a bow and quiver.
These are the attributes prescribed for the
Seven in rituals concerning the placement of
protective figurines at set locations about a
house. In practice, when in forms other than
plastic art, this iconography could, it seems,
pose problems, for on a stone relief slab from
the palace of Assurbanipal (reigned 668—c. 627
BC) at Nineveh, the long bows have been carved
first then erased in favour of the axes and
knives.

At least in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian art, the Seven were symbolised by
the seven dots, sometimes substituted by seven
stars (probably an allusion to the identification
with the Pleiades).

See zodiac.

seven-headed snake: see snakes.

134

134 Three of the divine Seven, carrying axes
and knives, and with their original bows erased.
Monumental stone relief from the royal palace of
the Assyrian king Assurbanipal (reigned
668—c.627BC) at Nineveh. Ht.o.8gm.

Seven Sages

According to Babylonian tradition, seven ap-
kallii (‘wise men’ or ‘sages’) lived before the
Flood. Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian
ritual texts give their names and the seven cities
from which they were believed to have come,
although there are variant traditions which
cannot be fully reconciled one with another.

Seven Sages

Other antediluvian figures are also said to have
been apkalli, notably Adapa of Eridu.

The Seven Sages should be distinguished
from the Seven (gods) (Sebittu) because Neo-
Assyrian instructions for rituals including
protective figurines prescribe sets of figures of
the Seven followed by those of the Seven
Sages. Figures of different forms of the Seven
Sages are to be made, some apparently in
human form, some wearing fishes’ skins (see
fish-garbed figure), and winged figures with
birds’ faces (see griffin-demon).

The tradition of the Seven Sages seems to be
preserved in Berossos’ account of eight crea-

163

SEX

tures who appeared from the sea in the ‘first
days’, beginning with Oannes and ending with
Odakon. In the Babylonian Epic of GilgameS,
the Seven Sages are credited with building the
walls of Uruk.

See dead gods.

sex: see creation; Inana; prostitution and
ritual sex; Sacred Marriage.

Sibittu (Sebittu): see Seven (demons); Seven
(gods).

Siduri

The goddess Siduri (Siduri in the Hurrian

version) is the proprietress of the ale-house at

the world’s edge in the Epic of Gilgameš. On

his journey to Ut-napi&ti (Ziusura), Gilgames

meets Siduri, who tries to persuade the hero to

abandon his quest for immortality and to enjoy

what fruits the present life has to offer:

Gilgameš, where are you going?

You will not find the life for which you are
searching.

When the gods created man,

They allotted death for mankind,

Keeping life for themselves.

Gilgameš, let your belly be full,

Make merry by day and by night.

Make a feast of rejoicing every day.

By day and by night, dance and play.

Let your clothing be clean and fresh,

Your head be washed, your body bathed in
water.

Look to the child who clutches your hand,

Let your wife enjoy herself in your lap.

This is the fulfilment of man!

sin

The various words in Sumerian and Akkadian
which are translated as ‘sin’ (offences against
moral or divine law) are equally used to refer to
‘crime’ (infringement of civil or criminal law)
or to social ills, such as the prevalence of crime
in a country. Assyrian kings were fond of
talking about ‘punishing’ the ‘crimes’ of their
enemies (crimes which consisted in resisting
the Assyrian Empire or failing to adhere to a

164

treaty imposed upon them), but this is largely
propaganda. Nonetheless, a distinction was
recognised between offences that had to be
dealt with by the courts and offences of a more
social nature. Such ‘sins’ might be deliberate,
but one whole magical rite is devoted to re-
lieving the patient of the numerous sins which
might be committed by negligence unwittingly.
The patient might not even know which god or
goddess he or she had offended. Such sin could
be ‘undone’, ‘expelled’ or ‘annulled’ by a god,
and it is stressed that ‘prayer can undo sin’.
The use of the word ‘patient’ in this context
emphasises the Babylonian view of sin as com-
parable with disease. Sin could be transmitted
by relatives or inherited from parents; it could
be ‘caught’ by, for example, sitting on the same
chair as had been sat on by a tabooed person.
Like disease, it too could be cured by magic
rituals involving potions and herbal ointments
accompanied by incantations. In this we can
recognise as ‘sin’ a conscious feeling of sin and
guilt, a conscience, which can be salved by
magical practices or by prayer. Looking at it
another way, we can say that manifestations of
psychological disturbance were interpreted as
evidence of ‘sin’ and may well have been cured
by rituals in which the patient had faith. The
Babylonians did not have a doctrine of original
sin, but they believed that we are all very prone
to sin.

See good and evil; magic and sorcery;
taboos.

Sin: see Nanna-Suen.

Slain Heroes

The Slain Heroes were a bizarre group of dead
monsters considered to have been slain by the
warrior god Ningirsu (or in another version by
Ninurta). These include the Six-headed Wild
Ram, the Seven-headed Snake (see snakes),
the Dragon, the Palm-tree King, the Gyp-
sum, the Strong Copper, the Kuli-ana, the
Magillum-boat, Lord Saman-ana, the Bison-
bull and the Imdugud, Bird. The myth con-
cerning the ‘killing’ of these monsters ~ some
animalian, some apparently inanimate — can be

35,86

135 The god Ningirsu or Ninurta slays the
seven-headed snake monster musmahhu. Detail
from an engraved shell inlay plaque of the Early
Dynastic Period.

traced back to the period of Gudea, ruler of the
Sumerian city-state of Lagaš, who rebuilt the
temple of Ningirsu at Girsu and did a lot to
promote the cult of that god. Gudea arranged
for the ‘Slain Heroes’ to receive offerings in the
new temple of Ningirsu.

In fact there is evidence that at least the
Palm-tree, the Wild Ram, the Copper and
Saman were being worshipped as minor deities
up to two hundred years earlier, and there is
reason to believe that the myth of their ‘slaying’
by Ningirsu was an attempt to absorb them into
his mythology.

Later, other trophies were added to the list,
and the myth was transferred to other deities
such as Zababa, Lugalbanda, Erra (Nergal),
Marduk or even Nabû. Some of the once-
terrifying monsters were ultimately trans-
formed into minor demons and benign beings
whose presence could be harnessed to ward off
hostile demons. In the Neo-Assyrian Period,
small clay figurines of beings some of whom
can be traced back to the Slain Heroes of
Ningirsu were buried in the foundations of
buildings to protect their inhabitants from
demonic disturbance. Traditions such as that
of the Slain Heroes may ultimately have con-
tributed to Greek myths of Near Eastern
origin, such as that of the Labours of Herakles.

See bell; bison; bull-man; dead gods; de-
mons and monsters; dragons; merman and
mermaid; Samana; Tiamat’s creatures.

smiting god

Smiting god

Since the so-called ‘smiting’ posture is the in-
evitable position for wielding certain weapons,
‘smiting gods’ appear in the art of all periods.
The term is applied in particular, however, to a
figure in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
art who wears the horned cap of divinity and
often a short kilt; he may be naked above the
waist. He holds one fist in the air and the other
hand towards the ground. He is often paired

136 A figurine of a god with raised fist ‘smiting’
the air, possibly the god Lulal, made of sun-baked
clay. Neo-Babylonian, from a brick box buried in
the foundations of a public building at Kis.

136

14,32,
151

137

8,105
110

snake-dragon

with the lion-demon. He has not yet been cer-
tainly identified with any named god, although
he may represent the god Lulal (see La-tarak
and Lulal).

snake-dragon

The snake-dragon (with horns, snake’s body
and neck, lion’s forelegs and bird’s hindlegs)
is represented from the Akkadian Period down
to the Hellenistic Period as a symbol of various
gods or as a generally magically protective
hybrid not associated specifically with any
deity. By comparing the figure depicted on the
gates and processional way at Babylon with the
description of the building operations given by
King Nebuchadnezzar II (reigned 604-562
BC), it has been possible to identify with
certainty the creature’s Akkadian name as mus-
hussu, ‘furious snake’. The complex mytho-
logies and divine associations surrounding the
creature have only recently been collected and
explained. The mushussu was originally an
attendant of Ninazu, the city god of ESnunna.
It was ‘inherited’ by the god TiSpak when he
replaced Ninazu as city god in the Akkadian or
early Old Babylonian Period, and in Lagaš
became associated with Ninazu’s son Ningi8-
zida. Possibly after Hammurabi’s conquest of
ESnunna, the creature was transferred to the
new Babylonian national god, Marduk, and
later to Nabû. The conquest of Babylon by the

ZEEE

HID

ALIZEL

SS,

USSOS SRE
SOSOS OSS

VSAK

Assyrian king Sennacherib (reigned 704-681
BC) brought the motif to Assyria, normally as
the beast of the state god ASSur. On Senna-
cherib’s rock-reliefs at Maltai, however, the
creature accompanies three different gods,
Assur, Ellil (Enlil) and another god, most
likely Nabi.

snake gods

The snake gods of ancient Mesopotamia,
especially Nirah, seem to be the only fully
animalian, non-anthropomorphic, deities
(although La-tarak may have had a leonine
face and worn a lion’s skin). The snake god
Nirah was worshipped at the city of Dér,
located on the northern border between Meso-
potamia and Elam, as the minister of IStaran,

137 (above) Snake gods.
Detail from a cylinder seal of
the Akkadian Period.

138 (left) The snake-dragon
(mushussu) as depicted
repeatedly on moulded

bricks of the [Star Gate and of
the Processional Way at
Babylon, built for King
Nebuchadnezzar II (reigned
604—562BC).

7,90

137

the city god of Dér (see local gods). His cult
there is attested from the earliest times and was
long-lived. He was also worshipped until
Middle Babylonian times in the E-kur, the
temple of Elli! (Enlil) in Nippur, where he was
regarded as a protective deity of the temple and
a protective presence. The cult of Irhan, a deity
of the city of Ur and probably in origin a god
representing the river Euphrates, remained in-
dependent until the period of the Third Dyn-
asty of Ur, but was later syncretised with the
cult of Nirah. It is possible that the snake sym-
bol found on kudurrus represents the god
Nirah (see snakes).

An anthropomorphic god with the lower
body of a snake, shown on cylinder seals of the
Old Akkadian Period, may also represent
Nirah.

139 A steatite vase
carved with a dragon
(basmu) and
entwined snakes and
inscribed with a
dedication by
Gudea, prince of
Lagaš, to his
‘personal god’
Ningiszida. From
Girsu (modern
Tello). Ht.230mm.

snakes

For the seven-headed snake, see snakes.

On the cylinder seal of Gudea, prince of
Lagaš, the ruler is introduced into the presence
of a superior deity by a god from each of whose
shoulders a horned snake rises. This is
probably intended to represent NingiSzida,
regarded by Gudea as his personal protective
deity (see personal gods).

snakes

Representations of snakes are naturally fre-
quent in iconography from the prehistoric
periods onwards, but it is not always easy to
decide whether or not they carried any relig-
ious value. When depicted as attributes of
deities they are seen associated with both gods
and goddesses. As an independent symbol the

115

snake appears on kudurrus and is identified 7,90

167

139

135

solar disc

by the inscription on one as symbolising the
minister of the god IStaran (and so is possibly
Nirah: see snake gods). Snakes continued to
be portrayed in religious and secular art in later
periods. As a divine symbol in Neo-Assyrian
and Neo-Babylonian art, the snake can be
identified from ritual texts directly as the god
Nirah.

The motif of the two serpents entwined to-
gether as if they were a length of rope was a very
common one in early historic, Sumerian and
Neo-Sumerian art and thereafter occurs
sporadically on seals and amulets down to the
thirteenth century Bc. One of the finest
examples is carved on a Steatite vase dedicated
by Gudea of Lagaš to his patron god
Ningišzida.

The horned viper (Cerastes cerastes), a mildly
venomous snake native to the Middle East, has
a pair of spike-like folds of skin on its head. In
art, the form of a snake with a pair of horns
rising from the forehead occurs as a symbol on
Kassite kudurrus and in Neo-Assyrian art as
an element of seal designs and in the form of
magically protective figurines. It has been
identified as the creature called in Akkadian
basmu (Sumerian mus-sa-tur). The mythologi-
cal traditions are obscure, but by Assyrian
times the figure was often a magically protec-
tive type. A variant horned snake with forelegs
was apparently regarded as a different creature,
although carrying in Akkadian the same name
basmu (Sumerian usum). This being was also
known as usumgallu (Sumerian usumgal).
Originally one of the trophies of Ninurta (see
Slain Heroes), it was later — when the snake-
dragon became Marduk’s animal —the symbol
of various gods formerly associated with the
snake-dragon, including NingiSzida.

A seven-headed musmahhu monster is
referred to in mythological texts and depicted
in Early Dynastic art as a kind of dragon with
seven long snake necks and heads. This crea-
ture may be the seven-headed hydra killed by
the god Ningirsu or Ninurta (see Slain
Heroes), also referred to in spells.

See mongoose; ‘plant of life’.

168

140 The solar disc of
the sun god Samaé.

SAWS
INS

solar disc

The disc with four-
pointed star and
three radiating wavy
lines between each
of the points occurs
from the Akkadian down to the Neo-
Babylonian Period. It almost invariably stands
as a symbol of the sun god Šamaš (Utu). The
Akkadian names of the symbol were samsatu
and niphu. It was often represented upon a pole
as a standard.

sorcery: see magic and sorcery; witchcraft.

spade (symbol)
The shaft with triangular head, as an indepen-
dent symbol, sometimes on a base, and as an
attribute held by a figure, is known from the
Neo-Sumerian down to the Neo-Babylonian
Period. It is inscriptionally attested on Kassite,
Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian monu-
ments as the spade or hoe (marru) of the god
Marduk, perhaps originally an agricultural
deity, who had become the national god of
Babylonia. In the Assyrian Period the original
agricultural purpose of the object was known,
but perhaps considered to be of diminished
relevance. In some Assyrian representations,
especially on the palace reliefs when held by
figures of Lahmu, it seems to have been trans-
formed into a spear, to which the original form
approximated. Itis still referred to, however, as
a marru, ‘spade’.

In later Babylonian times, some slaves were
branded with the device of a spade (see dedi-
cation).

sphinx: see bulls and
lions with human head.

141 The marru ‘spade’, a symbol of
the Babylonian god Marduk.

21,90

7,76

141

90
7,10

74,142

13,90

standards, staves and sceptres of the gods

A number of different standards, staves and `

sceptres occur as divine symbols. A ram-
headed staff is known from the Old Babylonian
down to the Achaemenid Period, and is
identified by inscriptional evidence from
Kassite and Assyrian sculpture as a symbol of
the god Ea (Enki). It usually rests upon a base,
but occasionally stands alone or upon the back
of a goat-fish. Sometimes, on Neo-Assyrian
seals, Ea carries a crook, perhaps an abbre-
viated form of the ram-head staff.

An eagle-headed (or griffin-headed) staff is
represented only on Kassite kudurrus, to be
identified from the inscription on one as a sym-
bol of the god Zababa. It was later adopted as
one of the Assyrian military standards.

A staff or scimitar with the head of a lion (or
rather lion-demon, with donkey ears) is
found as a motif from the Akkadian down to the
Neo-Babylonian Period. From the inscriptions
ona kudurru and a Neo-Babylonian stela, it is
shown to be a symbol of the underworld god
Nergal.

The double lion-headed sceptre or mace is
a common attribute and symbol in Neo-
Sumerian art, and is there associated with a
variety of deities, male and female. It was
apparently a symbol of a particular deity on
Kassite and Neo-Assyrian monuments. Exactly
which god it there represents depends upon the
restoration of slight lacunae in the inscriptions
of two of the Bavian rock stelae of the Assyrian
king Sennacherib (reigned 704-681 Bc): Ner-
gal, Ninurta and Nusku have each been sug-
gested. Nergal is the most likely on epigraphic
grounds. He has been discounted because his
symbol on kudurrus is well established as the
single lion-headed staff or scimitar, but per-
haps the double lion-headed sceptre was
regarded merely as a variant of this (and the
lion-heads often have upright ears). In any
event, the other two gods also each have
another identified symbol on the kudurrus (the
perched bird of Ninurta and the lamp of
Nusku) and Ea is known to have two separate
symbols, the goat-fish with ram-head staff and
the turtle.

star (symbol)

Neo-Assyrian military standards are
occasionally shown in campaign scenes on
Assyrian sculptured reliefs, especially those of
Assurnasirpal II (reigned 883-859 Bc). They
represent various deities and it has been sug-
gested that the army was divided into units sup-
ported by the different temples. The troops of
Ištar (Inana) carried a banner showing the
goddess herself, armed and set within a nimbus
of stars. Another standard depicting a god
drawing a bow and standing between streams of
water and a pair of outward-facing bulls may
have signified the legions of the temple of Adad
(skur) — mountain streams were believed to be
the responsibility of the storm god, probably
because he was the god of the rains and
because the reverberant sound of the waters
running over the rocks was reminiscent of
thunder. A military standard of the reign of
Sargon II (reigned 721-705 BC) depicts an un-
usual god with the head ofa falcon: his identity
is unknown.

See birds; bird-gods; NinSubur (god);
ring-post; ring-staff; solar disc.

star (symbol)
The eight-pointed star is known from prehis-
toric times through to the Neo-Babylonian

143 (belom) The
star-disc, a
symbol of the
goddess Ištar.

142 (above) A standard with the head of a lion-
demon (lion with upright ears), an emblem of the
underworld god Nergal. One of the symbols
carved on a kudurru of the Kassite Period.

169

82,143,
158

7,21
73,90,
143,151

statues

7 5)

=— A ELEn

oe 2 ==

a | ⁄) a

Se eh ——
Ce

Jý
K

Ë
|

144 The Assyrian king, shown twice, stands on
either side of a stylised tree and image of the sun
god Šamaš in his winged disc. Winged protective
grifin-demons with purificatory buckets and
cones flank the scene. From a cylinder seal of the
early Neo-Assyrian Period.

Period. In early representations it may have
had a general astral significance, but at least
from the Old Babylonian Period (and in all
probability from the Early Dynastic) it was
normally, though not always, a symbol of In-
ana/Ištar, goddess of love and war, the planet
Venus. Most commonly from the Old Babylon-
ian Period onwards, the star is enclosed within
a disc. On Middle and Neo-Assyrian seals, the
upper body of a goddess, presumably Ištar, is
sometimes set above a crescent surrounded by
stars, a variation on the more usual armed god-
dess within a nimbus of stars.

The motif of a six-pointed star occurs
throughout the same period, butis of unknown
significance.

In later Babylonian times some persons
dedicated as temple slaves were branded with
the device of a star (see dedication).

See seven dots; solar disc.

170

TN
AN
\ L o

YS
I

j
il

OT.

(ZF
Y

aN
AY
— Y

SSE

O x III = TU
DU |

O] A
ao SS} — |

statues: see cult statues.

storm gods and storm demons: see Iškur; lion-
demon; NumuSda; amu dabritu.

stylised tree and its ‘rituals’

The motif referred to by modern commentators
as the ‘stylised’ or ‘sacred’ tree, or, more pre-
sumptuously, as the ‘tree of life’, has provoked
more discussion and controversy than almost
any other element in Mesopotamian art. The
literature is almost as extensive as the repre-
sentations of the motif itself, and includes a
number of books devoted entirely to the sub-
ject. As with the equally ubiquitous and often
iconographically associated winged disc,
opinions vary greatly as to the meaning and
significance of the symbol, and lack of explicit
textual reference to the tree or its function
allows speculation a free rein.

Stylised trees of one type or another are
commonly portrayed in Mesopotamian art
from prehistoric times through to the Neo-
Babylonian Period. At one time the tree will be
very formalised, often elaborate, at another
tending towards naturalism, but in either case
it will usually be set upon an elevation of some

144

37,108
131

kind or placed in a position of prominence with
respect to the other elements of a design. The
tree is often flanked by animals, or by super-
natural figures.

In scenes mostly restricted to the second and
first millennia BC, and particularly popular in
Assyria, a stylised tree, usually with winged
disc above, is flanked by semi-human genies,
one or more possibly holding a bucket and
cone. The various interpretations of this so-
called ‘cone-smearing’ ritual include a magic-
ally protective rite, a benediction, an anoin-
ting of a symbol of the king, or of the king him-
self (the cones sometimes also being held
behind the king’s head), a literal rendering of
fruit-picking or of fertilisation of the date
palm, a myth of the god Dumuzi, a symbolic
reference to fire and water as the elements of
life, or a piece of astronomical symbolism.
There may be more than a single aspect in-
volved. For example, the nature of the genies,
almost invariably ‘supernatural’ rather than
human, suggests some apotropaic element,
while a relationship to, or even derivation from,
actual date palm fertilisation (but only in the
Mesopotamian south, not in Assyria) is plau-
sible. Nevertheless, it is highly likely that the
principal purpose of the rite was as a ritual of
purification (see bucket and cone).

Interest in the stylised tree has been pro-
voked, and interpretations of it often influ-
enced, by the ‘tree of life’ (and the ‘tree of the
knowledge of good and evil’) in the Garden of
Eden, in Genesis 2-3. There is no reason,
however, to connect the two traditions.

See Palm-tree King.

stylus: see wedge.

Sud: see Ninlil; Nisaba.
Sumuqan: see Sakkan.
sun disc: see solar disc.

sun god: see Utu.

swastika

145 Painted decoration on the inside of a pre-
historic pottery bowl found at Samarra. The de-
sign shows birds and fish revolving around a
central swastika.

swastika

The swastika or fylfot is encountered only very
rarely in Mesopotamian art, but the rôle of this
symbol of modern notoriety is not without in-
terest. It is unequivocally represented on pre-
historic painted pottery and early historic seal
impressions, but is thereafter seen again only
in a single instance, on a limestone slab front-
ing a Neo-Assyrian temple building at Aššur,
painted in bitumen. To fill the gap between
these widely separated occurrences, some
scholars (especially those writing just before
and during the Second World War, when in-
terest in the motifwas at a peak) have attempted
to see the outline of the symbol in various
arrangements of men, crossed animals and
geometric motifs throughout the periods of
ancient Mesopotamian art, but these interpre-
tations can stretch the imagination.

The device has been variously explained as a
solar symbol derived from the wheels of the
chariot of the sun god, as the sign for a fortress
or fortified site, or as symbolic of a whirlwind
or of the four winds. There is no convincing
evidence for the motif as a solar device, at least
in Mesopotamia (but see cross).

I7I

145

146

Sakkan

146 Wild animals were
under the protection of
the god Sakkan. Copy ofa
life-size wall painting of a
seated cheetah from the
main altar in the Late
Uruk Period Temple at
Tell ‘Ugair. Ht.c.o.gm.

Sakkan

In the flat, open countryside of Mesopotamia a
wide range of animals lived in ancient times.
Among these were the lion, cheetah, wolf,
jackal, hyena, wild cattle, oryx, gazelle, wild
pig, wild cat and lynx as well as the beaver and
mongoose. In the more mountainous areas the
fallow and roe deer, wild goat, ibex, wild sheep
and, more rarely, the leopard and bear could be
seen. The god who protected all these was
Sakkan (in Akkadian, Sumuqan). In one of the
Sumerian poems called ‘The Death of Gil-
games’, offerings are made to Sakkan in the
underworld. In the seventh tablet of the Baby-
lonian Epic of Gilgame’, Enkidu’s vision of
the underworld includes Sumuqan as well as
Etana and EreSkigal. Possibly the connection
of Sakkan/Sumuqan with the underworld is
due in some way to the association of the under-
world with the desert in Babylonian thought.

147 (right) The goddess Sala, holding a barley
stalk, drawn on a clay tablet with an astronomical
text, found at Uruk (modern Warka) and dating
to the Seleucid Period.

172

Šakkan was thought of as a son of the sun
god Samaš (Utu). In his rôle as a protector of
wild animals he was sometimes envisaged as a
shepherd. He was also responsible for the fer-
tility of wild creatures.

Sala

The goddess Šala (or Šalaš, which is probably
a Hittite form of her name) was not a goddess of
native Mesopotamian origin. She is likely to
have been a goddess of the Hurrians originally,
and she entered the Mesopotamian world
either as the wife of Adad (ISkur) or, in a con-

POY

147

trasting tradition, as the wife of Dagan. In in-
cantations to the fire god Girra (Gibil), for use
in magical rituals intended to undo sorcery
(see magic and sorcery), Girra is said to be the
son of Sala.

A symbol of Sala was a barley stalk, sug-
gesting that she was perhaps an agricultural
deity. One text links Sala and an ear of grain
with the constellation called the Furrow
(Virgo), whose brightest star, in modern
terminology, is Spica (Latin virgo, ‘maiden’;
and spica, ‘ear of grain’).

See nude woman; zodiac.

Sama’: see Utu.

Sara
The god Sara was the local god of the
Sumerian city of Umma, where he was wor-
shipped in the temple E-mah. A fragment of a
stone bowl dedicated to Sara was found in a
rubbish dump in the Early Dynastic temple
at the site in north-eastern Babylonia called
today Tell Agrab, and may indicate that this
city (whose ancient name is unknown) was
also a cult centre of Sara. A
The epithet ‘hero of An’ suggests that Sara
was a warrior god, as does the fact that in the
Babylonian myth of Anzi (Imdugud), Sara
is one of the gods asked to undertake the
fight against Anzû (eventually taken on by
Ninurta). In the Sumerian poem of Inana’s
descent to the underworld, Sara is one of
three deities who come to pay homage to Inana
after her return: this may be connected with a
tradition preserved in the myth of Lugalbanda
and a building inscription of the Third Dyn-
asty of Ur that Sara was the son of Inana.

sédu: see lama.

Serida (Aya)

Serida (Akkadian Aya) is a goddess of light,
regarded as the consort of Utu/Samai, the sun
god. She is associated with sexual love and
fruitfulness. The name Aya is found in per-
sonal names from the Third Dynasty of Ur.
She was particularly popular during the Old

tablet of destinies

Babylonian Period, and again during the Neo-
Babylonian Period. Aya was worshipped to-
gether with Šamaš at Sippar and Larsa.

See Sacred Marriage.

Šullat: see Iškur.

Šul-pa-e

The cult of the Sumerian god Sul-pa-e (sul
pa-e, ‘brilliant youth’) is attested from the Early
Dynastic Period on. Despite his name, he was
not a youthful god but was, according to one
tradition, the husband of the ‘mother goddess’
Ninhursaga (see mother goddesses and
birth goddesses), who bore him three
children (ASgi, Lisin and Lil). The tradition is
at odds with the Sumerian myth in which it is
Enki who is the consort of Ninhursaga. Sul-
pa-e remained a minor god, whose character is
not certain. In one Sumerian poem offerings
are made to Sul-pa-e in the underworld, and
in later tradition he was included among the
demons. Astronomically, Sul-pa-e was one of
many names of the planet Jupiter.

tablet of destinies
The tablet of destinies, along with the me and
his crown and throne, was one of the objects
whose possession guaranteed Enlil his
supreme position as ruler of the universe and
controller of the affairs of men and gods. It was
envisaged as a tablet of cuneiform writing,
impressed also with cylinder seals, in other
words as an unalterable legal document or
authorised treaty. The god is described as
‘holding it in his hand’ or ‘clutching it to his
breast’. The tablet invested its holder with the
power to determine the destinies of the world,
and not for nothing was it described as a cosmic
bond linking heaven and the underworld.
In the Sumerian poem ‘Ninurta and the
Turtle’, it is Enki who holds the tablet. Both
this and the Akkadian Anzti poem concern the
theft of the tablet by the bird Anzi (Imdugud).
In the Babylonian Epic of Creation, it is
Tiamat who gives the tablet to Qingu.

173

taboos

The term taboo, meaning set apart or conse-
crated to a god and hence forbidden to general
use, is used as an approximate translation of
Sumerian ni-gig, Akkadian ikkibu; azag (Ak-
kadian asakku) has a similar meaning.

The sense of this idea is that of a thing, place
or action forbidden to the generality because it
is sacred to a particular god; or a thing, place or
position, or activity reserved for a god or king.
For instance, one should not eat a certain meat,
fish or vegetable on a particular day of the
month because it is the ikkibu of a particular
god, e.g. eating game might be an ikkibu of the
god Sumuqan (Sakkan). Similarly one should
not mention certain subjects or perform certain
actions on a particular occasion or during a
particular ritual, for the same reasons. The
name of the god concerned is always specified.
A certain place might be an ikkibu of the king,
and denied to everyone else.

The common usage, referring to any form of
infringement, of the phrases ‘to eat the ikkibw’
and ‘to take or steal the asakkw’ may give some
idea of the original application of the concepts:
likewise ‘to step on the anzillw (a synonymous
word). Later these words all became little more
than synonyms for ‘sin’.

See magic and sorcery; purification.

talismans: see amulets.
Tammuz: see Dumuzi.
TaSmétu: see Nabi.

temple prostitution: see prostitution and
ritual sex.

temples and temple architecture
Mesopotamians might worship in open-air
sanctuaries, private chapels in domestic houses
or small separate chapels in the residential
quarters of town. The heart of religious life,
however, was the temple.

As the words for a temple in Mesopotamian
languages suggest, the temple was nothing
more or less than the god’s personal abode on

174

earth (Sumerian e; Akkadian bītu, ‘house’),
and the deity normally ‘lived’ in his or her
temple in the form of a cult statue standing in
the main shrine. In the historic periods, at
least, the temples of the various gods had their
own names, such as the E-kur (‘Mountain
House’) of Enlil at Nippur or the E-abzu
“Abzu House’) of Enki at Eridu (similarly
E-ana, Esagil, Ezida).

According to Sumerian tradition, Eridu was
the oldest city of southern Mesopotamia.
There archaeologists have unearthed a
sequence of mud-brick temples repeatedly re-
built during the late fifth and early fourth mil-
lennia Bc. The earliest is only a small shrine,
about three metres square. Yet this structure
already shows important elements which con-
tinued in the temple form of later times: an
altar in a niche set opposite the doorway and a
small offering table in front of it. In later
periods the plan was elaborated but retained its
essentials. The shrine was lengthened and
numbers of rooms added on either side.

As each successive rebuilding of the Eridu
temple was constructed upon the ruins of its
predecessors, it eventually came to stand upon
its own mound, making an impressive image on
the skyline and towering above the surround-
ing buildings. According to one theory, this
development gave rise to the construction of
ziggurats, or temple towers. The external
appearance of the temple was also improved by
series of alternating buttresses and recesses,
possibly in imitation of the vertical reed
bundles that supported the walls in reed
houses. In later periods this form of buttressed

` façade became the most characteristic feature

of Mesopotamian temple building, and was
also copied in temple construction in Egypt.
By early historic times (late fourth millen-
nium BC) we can see some greater diversity in
adaptations of the basic temple plan. In the
E-ana precinct at Uruk some half dozen
temples, though no longer built at any great
height, preserve the earlier arrangement with a
main sanctuary, lateral rooms and an axially
placed altar. The sanctuary is now occasionally
of cruciform design, as also is that of the con-

148

125,126

127

temporary temple at Tell Brak in northern
Syria (see eye and eye-idols). In all other
respects the plan continues that of the prehis-
toric temples. However, some temples, such as
the so-called White Temple at Uruk, con-
tinued to be built on raised ground. Although
again simply the ruins of earlier buildings, the
platform was now faced with sloping brick
panels, similar to ziggurat construction. The
walls of the temple itself were again heavily
buttressed, with evidence of original wooden
decoration within the alcoves. In such temples
the long sanctuary and side-rooms remain,
with entry for the worshippers through one of
the side-rooms. At either end of the sanctuary,
however, are also major doorways, so that the
shrine stands as a kind of portal. So that it does
not intrude upon this thoroughfare, the altar is
displaced from its axial position.

Some archaeologists have postulated a
division of these temples by function. In
ground-level or ‘low’ temples the deity nor-
mally resided and received worship, as rep-
resented by a cult statue. In contrast, ‘high’ or
platform temples are thought to have been used
as a portal by a god on his visits to earth.

Representations of temples are shown on
early historic seals before we ever have the de-
piction of any god. The temple is characterised
by its rectangular shape. Its identity as a temple
is shown by the frequent association of pro-
cessions of men approaching the building
carrying offerings of various kinds. Buildings
of this type may also be shown flanked by divine
emblems, usually the ring-post or ring-staff
(although both of these can also be seen on
byres, presumably as divine protection for the
animals). Similar rectangular buildings are
shown on seal designs which associate them
with groups of quadrupeds, usually goats. It
has been suggested that we have here rep-
resented a different kind of temple, a rural
shrine constructed not of brick but of timber
poles and reed matting.

From the Early Dynastic Period we have the
remains of two ‘high’ temples, or rather of the
temple platforms only, since in neither case has
the building itself survived. One is at Tutub

temples

(modern Khafajah), the other at al-‘Ubaid
close to Ur. In both cases the platform is sur-
rounded by an oval-shaped outer wall,
enclosing a sacred area with certain smaller
buildings. The temple platform at al-‘Ubaid
was faced with baked brick walls, approach to
the temple being by a projecting stone stairway.
In the angle between the two was found a cache
of objects which provide unique information
about the external decoration ofan Early Dyn-
astic temple. Early Dynastic temples of the
‘low’ type are perhaps best represented at sites
excavated in the Diyala River valley. They all
retain the same basic arrangements as the early
historic ‘low’ temples, and all, in fact, were
founded at that earlier time. There are, how-
ever, some elaborations, creating a kind of
temple complex. The temple of Sin (Nanna-
Suen) at Tutub acquired a forecourt with sur-
rounding dependent buildings, while the
temple at Tell Agrab became a complicated
unit comprising a number of sanctuaries in
addition to the principal shrine.

Little is known of any type of architecture in
the Akkadian Period, and the site of the capital
city Agade is unknown. It seems, however, that
in this period the Sumerian temples continued
in use and were restored.

Much of the religious architecture of the
subsequent Third Dynasty of Ur is little
understood. From the central precinct at Ur
have been recovered the ground-plans of two
large square buildings, each of which seems to
be a combined temple and palace. From the
same period comes a great mausoleum of the
Third Dynasty kings and associated mortuary
chapels. At ESnunna (modern Tell Asmar), ex-
cavations have unearthed an interesting build-
ing complex combining a temple of the deified
Su-Suen, king of Ur, and the ruler’s residence
(see deification of kings). The temple is con-
structed on a central axis, leading from a main
gateway flanked by towers through a central
courtyard to the sanctuary itself, its niche
equipped with altar and cult statue. Since the
temple had been dedicated to a god-king of Ur,
after the fall of Ur it was incorporated into the
palace.

175

148

temples

148 A reconstruction, based on the University of
Chicago excavations, of the temple of the local
goddess IStar-Kititum at Nérebtum (modern
Ishchali) in the city-state of ESnunna. The
building measured approximately 100 X 60m.
Isin-Larsa Period.

From the beginning of the second millen-
nium BC, there is a large temple complex at the
town of Nérebtum (modern Ishchali in the
Diyala region), associated with a local goddess
Ištar-Kitītum (Ištar (Inana) of Kiti, probably
a local village). It was really three separate
temples, each with its own self-contained

176

area and associated buildings. One of these
temples, dedicated to Ištar herself, was built at
a higher level, with a large treasury behind it.
Each of the gateways to the temple was guarded
by a pair of towers.

For the most part the religious architecture
of the Kassites seems to have followed the
existing Sumerian style. A high ziggurat with
associated temples was built at the new capital |
Dir-Kurigalzu (modern ‘Agar Quf near
Baghdad). A temple at Uruk, however, intro-
duces a new feature: relief figures modelled in
the brickwork of the facades. Probably the
figures were magically protective.

At official level, the Assyrians perhaps placed
a greater emphasis than hitherto upon secular
architecture — in particular the palaces of the
Assyrian kings. However, heavy programmes
of state religious building also flourished. The
Middle Assyrian temple of Ištar at Aššur was
built on the foundations ofan earlier Sumerian
temple of Inana, originally a single shrine like
the temples of the south. By the thirteenth
century BC, side chambers and a subsidiary
shrine at the corner had been added. A purely
Assyrian element was the separation of the
goddesses’ sanctuary from the area of worship,
with the altar placed in a niche at the top of a
wide stairway. Representations on seals show
that the corner and gateway towers of Middle
Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian temples were built
to a greater height than the rest of the building,
and were provided with windows. The facades
were decorated with series of often elaborately
decorated columns, probably a development
from the buttressed facades of Sumerian
temples, and the tops of the walls and towers
had crenellated parapets. The remains of
vaulted roofs have been found in some temples.
The interiors of the temples were earlier dec-
orated with painted panels and glazed bricks,
later with monumental stone reliefs.

See boats; building rites and deposits;
gipar.

TeSup: see TiSpak.
three: see numbers.

Tiamat

In the unique version of the creation of the
gods preserved in the Babylonian Epic of
Creation, after the separation of heaven and
earth the only entities in existence were Apsû
(see abzu) and Tiamat. Apsi personified the
fresh subterranean waters and Tiamat the salt
waters: the name is a form of the word tiamtum,
‘sea’. Apsi and Tidmat were envisaged as a
male-female pair, although it is said that ‘their
waters mingled together’. They engendered a
line of gods including Anu (An), Anu’s son Ea
(Enki) and (apparently) other deities, whose

Tiamat’s creatures

activities so disturbed Apsii that he planned to
exterminate them (despite Tidmat’s protests).
When Ea slew Apsi, Tidmat determined to be
avenged and created eleven monsters (see
Tiamat’s creatures) with, as her champion,
the god Qingu, described as her ‘lover’. Even-
tually, after a heroic contest, Marduk, cham-
pion of the younger gods (in the Assyrian ver-
sion his name is substituted with that of
ASSur), defeated the monsters and Qingu and
destroyed Tiamat by splitting her skull with his
mace, while standing on her ‘lower parts’. He
broke her in two ‘like a dried fish’, using one
half to roof the heavens and the other to surface
the earth: her breasts formed mountains, Ti-
gris and Euphrates flowed from her eyes, her
spittle formed clouds. While in some respects
Tiamat, like other deities, is described in
anthropomorphic terms, it is difficult to form a
precise picture of how the author of the Epic
envisaged her. In other passages it seems to be
implied that the salt sea waters were inside her.

Tiamat’s creatures
In the Babylonian Epic of Creation, in order to
avenge herself on the younger gods, Tiamat
gives birth to eleven monsters, or groups of
monsters (bearing some resemblance to the
Slain Heroes defeated by Ningirsu or
Ninurta in a story of earlier origin). The
eleven are the musmahhu, usumgallu and basmu
(three types of horned snake), the mushussu (a
snake-dragon), the /ahamu (possibly identical
to Lahmu, the long-haired ‘hero’ figure), the
ugallu (‘great storm-beast’, the lion-demon),
the uridimmu (‘raging lion’, the lion-
humanoid), the girtablulli (‘scorpion-man’:
see scorpion-people), imu dabritu (‘fierce
storms’), kulullé (‘fish-man’: see merman and
mermaid), and kusarikku (a mythical beast
probably derived from the bison: see bull-
man). All of these are defeated by Marduk (in
the Assyrian edition, ASSur) in a great battle.
Images of them were placed by Marduk in the
apsit (abzu) as a monument to the victory.
The creatures of Tidmat were sometimes in-
voked in magical incantations (see magic and
sorcery), and figurines of some of them were

177

Tispak

149 ‘The Tower of Babel’ by Pieter Breughel
the Elder, painted in aD 1563. The biblical story
of Babylon’s tower has provided a favourite
theme for artists from the Middle Ages to the
present day.

among those used in Neo-Assyrian protective
magic, as a consequence of which their dis-
tinctive iconography can in most cases be
determined (see demons and monsters).

Tišpak

It seems very likely that the Mesopotamian
deity Tišpak was in origin identical with the
Hurrian storm god Tešup. At any rate he re-
placed Ninazu as local god of the city of Eš-
nunna in the Akkadian Period or early in the
Old Babylonian Period. The city of Ešnunna
(modern Tell Asmar), situated to the north-
east of Babylonia near the Diyala River, lay at

178

the southernmost extent of the area inhabited
by the Hurrian people.

TiSpak was a warrior god, as implied by his
epithet ‘Lord of Armies’. In a Babylonian myth,
Ti8pak is instructed by Sin (Nanna-Suen) to
kill the monster Labbu. An ancient description
of an artistic representation of the god has him
carrying bow, arrows and mace.

The animal symbol of TiSpak (see beasts of 138

the gods) was probably the snake-dragon.

Tower of Babel
According to the Book of Genesis (11:1~9), the
Babylonians wanted to build a mighty city and
a tower ‘with its top in the heavens’. The com-
pletion of the project was frustrated by Yah-
weh, who scrambled the speech of the workers
to the point where they could no longer under-
stand one another. The people were then dis-
persed throughout the world.

On one level the story seems to be a myth to
explain the presence of diverse human lan-

149

guages. In an earlier Sumerian poem, Enki
created all the languages from one original
tongue. The Biblical imagery, however, was
probably inspired by the ziggurat or temple
tower at Babylon, in Hebrew Babel. The meta-
phor of the tower for world language was sug-
gested by a pun on Hebrew balal (to confuse):
“Therefore its name was called Babel, because
the Lord confused the language of all the
earth’.

The ziggurat of Marduk at Babylon was
known as E-temen-an-ki (‘Foundation of
heaven and earth’). It had a base 100 metres
square, and reached gt metres in height, in
seven stages, the uppermost being a temple de-
scribed as built in blue-glazed brick. After the
partial demolition of the ziggurat in the Hell-
enistic Period and its subsequent decay, for
many centuries visitors to Mesopotamia sought
the location of the Tower of Babel at a variety
of neighbouring sites.

‘tree of life’: see stylised tree and its ‘rituals’.

trident: see fork.

turtle

In the Sumerian poem ‘Ninurta and the
Turtle’, when Ninurta has recovered the
tablet of destinies, the me and the divine
plans, which had been stolen from Enki by the
bird Imdugud, he seems unwilling to return

150 A turtle as symbol of the water god Ea. One
of the emblems carved on a kudurru of the Kassite
Period.

umu dabriitu

them to their rightful owner. Enki accordingly
makes a clay turtle which he brings to life. The
turtle digs a hole in the ground and covers it
over, and Ninurta falls into the hole. The turtle
pays no attention to the hero shouting ‘Let me
get out!’, and Enki rounds on Ninurta: ‘What
success did your strength bring you? Where is
your heroism now?’ Presumably the me, the
plans and the tablet of destinies were returned
to Enki.

Represented in art from prehistoric times
onwards, the turtle apparently first became
associated with the god Ea (Enki) in the art of
the Akkadian Period. On kudurrus it can
stand as a symbol of Ea, as an alternative to the
goat-fish with ram-headed staff (see stan-
dards, staves and sceptres of the gods).
Sometimes the turtle itselfis placed on the back
of a goat-fish instead of the staff. The device no
doubt seemed appropriate for a god of the
fresh-water abzu, and already had a mytho-
logical basis in the Sumerian Imdugud story.

ub-su-ukkina: see assembly of the gods;
E-kur.

udug (utukku)

Udug (Akkadian utukku) was a term for a par-
ticular type of demon, and like many such
words it was originally neutral as regards the
beneficial or baleful influence of the beings.
Gudea, ruler of Lagaš, asks a goddess for the
protection of a ‘good udug and a ‘good lama’ to
guide him. In a large collection of magical in-
cantations intended for use against a wide
range of malevolent demons, we read both of a
specific ‘evil udug and in general terms of evil
‘udugs’ (where the term seems to include other
demons as well).

See Seven (demons).

UlmaSitum: see Anunitu.

imu dabritu

Umu dabritu, meaning in Babylonian ‘violent
storms’, is the name of one, or of one of the
species, of eleven monsters created by Tiamat
in her conflict against the younger gods (see

179

90,150

rms

underworld

Tidmat’s creatures). It is not known in what
physical form this particular species was
imagined.

underworld

What happens to people when they die? What is
the nature of death? These eternal questions
troubled the Mesopotamians as they have, and
still do, all other peoples. Because of disease
and man’s lesser control over his environment
in ancient times, the average lifespan may have
been no more than thirty years, and those who
did live into old age acquired experience and
wisdom commanding great respect. Death is
final, and there is no return from it. The dead
‘bite the dust’ in a very real sense when their
bodies are covered with earth.

These observations found mythic expression
in the idea that there is another ‘world’, where
all the dead are together, in the ground (beneath
the surface of the earth), where they continue to
live some residual form of life altogether in-
ferior to life on this earth. The Sumerians had
quite a number of different names for this other
world: arali, irkalla, kukku, ekur, kigal, ganzir, all
of which were borrowed into Akkadian as well.
Otherwise it was known simply as the ‘earth’ or
‘ground’ (Sumerian ki, kur; Akkadian ersetu),
the ‘land of no return’ or, occasionally, the
‘desert’, or else the ‘lower world’. This last
name makes clear the location of this under-
world, and from various sources we learn that
there was a stairway down to its gate (for which
the name ganzirwas used); thatit was possible to
open up a hole in the ground which would give
access to the underworld; and that the under-
world was situated even lower than the abzu,
the fresh-water ocean beneath the earth. The
last point is clearly an attempt to reconcile two
conflicting cosmological ideas, and it is inter-
esting that there are traces of other beliefs about
the location of the ‘underworld’. The name
‘desert’ sometimes used to refer to it, and the
designation of the river of the underworld by
the names of actual rivers distant from Sumer,
perhaps suggest a rival belief that the world of
the dead was located in a remote and inaccess-
ible area of the earth’s surface, perhaps far in

180

the west. Although the word kur referring to
the underworld means ‘earth’, there seems also
to have been some confusion with kur meaning
‘mountain(s)’, and hence possibly another
trace of this belief.

The underworld is always described as in
complete darkness, dusty and unpleasant. All
the dead, without exception, wander there,
thirsting for water and having only dust to eat.
Sometimes they are described as naked, or
clothed with feathered wings like birds. Apart
from these spirits of the dead (gidim), the
underworld is also the home of the dead gods,
of some demons (who are described as the
‘offspring of aral? and who issue from the
underworld to bring tribulation to mankind),
and of a number of deities, principally Eres-
kigal, queen of the underworld, and her hus-
band Nergal. In the Mesopotamian concep-
tion, unlike that of the Egyptians, there was no
judgement or evaluation of the moral qualities
of the dead. They stood before EreSkigal, who
merely pronounced the sentence of death upon
them while their names were recorded on a
tablet by GeStinana, scribe of the underworld,
as if they were labourers turning up for
work. The god NingiSzida functioned as
majordomo of EreSkigal’s household, Pabil-
sag was her administrator, Namtar her
minister or messenger, and Neti was the gate-
keeper. The god Enmešarra and other gods
are at times associated with the underworld,
and in later Babylonian texts 60o Anunnakkū
(Anuna) gods are assigned to the underworld.
This reflects the development ofa more precise
picture of the nether regions.

A number of literary works from one and a
half millennia reflect imaginatively the
changing conceptions of the underworld. The
Sumerian poem ‘Gilgameš, Enkidu and the
Nether World’ (a version of part of which was
incorporated into the Babylonian Epic of Gil-
gameš) describes a conversation between Gil-
gameš and the ghost of his dead servant
Enkidu which makes it clear that while life in
the underworld is most unattractive, it can be
made slightly more tolerable if surviving rela-
tives make regular offerings to the dead of food

frontis.

and drink, so that it is desirable to leave as
many descendants as possible. Those who have
no children have a hard time indeed after
death, while those who do not even receive
proper burial are worst off: the person who died
in a fire or whose body lies in the desert does
not even have a gidim in the underworld.
The Sumerian poem ‘The Descent of Inana
to the Underworld’ (also preserved in an Ak-
kadian version, ‘Ištar’s Descent') and the myth
‘Enlil and Ninlil both deal with the excep-

151 A Neo-Babylonian
cast copper or bronze
plaque, apparently used as
a magical protection
against evil demons.
Originally it probably
hung in a wooden frame.
Looking over the top is the
god Pazuzu. The
uppermost register shows
emblems of the main
gods, thereby probably
invoking the protection of
the deities symbolised.
Next, a row of seven
animal-headed beings,
probably also magically
protective. The third
register shows a sick man
lying in bed and flanked
by fish-garbed figures
(perhaps priests),
accompanied by
supernatural protective
beings. Below, the evil
goddess LamaStu returns
along the river of the
underworld to her
infernal home, driven on
by Pazuzu and tempted by
various offerings. Ht. of
plaque 33 mm.

underworld

tional circumstances of gods who overcome the
laws of nature by making a visit to the under-
world from which they succeed in returning. In
both cases this is only achieved by the provision
of a substitute who takes their place or is left
behind in the underworld so that they may
return.

The Babylonian Epic of Gilgameš includes
an account of a dream dreamed by Enkidu
before his death (separate from his description
of the underworld after his death), in which

181

Urartian gods

those who were kings in life are reduced to the
same ghastly state as all the other dead. This
emphasis on the levelling aspect of existence in
the underworld is not usual. The retelling of
this dream has an appropriate dramatic effect
on Gilgameš.

An unusual Neo-Assyrian poem describes a
vision of the underworld experienced by a
prince named Kummaya, in which the prince is
nearly prevented from returning to the world of
the living by Nergal, who berates him for
having the temerity to enter his wife’s domains.
The god Išum intercedes on his behalf and he
is allowed to return — in fact to wake up, since
the grim vision turns out to have been a dream.
It is very detailed, but perhaps idiosyncratic.
The prince has been thought to be Assur-
banipal, later king of Assyria (ruled 668-c.627
BC).

See afterlife; death and funerary prac-
tices; galla; kur; Lugal-irra and Meslamta-
ea; night; Ninazu; Nungal, river of the
underworld; Sakkan; Sul-pa-e.

Urartian gods

The state of Van, better known by the name
Urartu applied to it by the Assyrians (and ap-
pearing in the Bible in the form Ararat), lay in
the mountainous area around and to the south
of Lake Van in what is now south-east Turkey
and the neighbouring areas of north-west Iran
and Armenia. The oldest definite evidence for
the kingdom is from the third quarter of the
ninth century Bc. Urartu, which rose to become
a powerful influence in the international
politics of its day and a thorn in the flesh of
Assyrian kings, was finally overthrown by the
Scythians and absorbed into the Median, then
into the Persian empire. The people of Urartu
spoke a late form of the Hurrian language and
preserved some aspects of Hurrian culture.
Among their deities were:

Haldi, the national god of Urartu;
Bagbarti, the wife of Haldi;

TeSeba, a storm god (corresponding to
Hurrian TeSup);

182

Siwini, a sun god (corresponding to Hurrian
Simigi);

Selardi, a moon god.

Uras (god)

The god Ura was the local deity of the north-
ern Babylonian city of Dilbat. He is mentioned
in connection with the city in the Prologue to
the Laws of Hammurabi of Babylon. In one
tradition, he was regarded as an ancestor of
An. In later periods he was even identified with
An, or with Ninurta. He was among the gods
worshipped in the city of Assur. The Uras Gate
at Babylon was named probably from the direc-
tion of Dilbat, to the south of Babylon.

Uras (goddess)

Uraš is the name of a goddess who in some
traditions is the wife of An. In ancient com-
mentaries, the name Ura is explained as
meaning ‘earth’, and according to other tra-
ditions the wife of An is Ki (‘earth’ in
Sumerian). Ura§ was said to be the mother of
the goddesses Ninisina and Nisaba. It has
been suggested that the element -urta in the
name of the god Ninurta (where Nin- means
‘lord’) is the same as the word uras, but this
cannot be definitely shown.

Usmü: see Isimud.

Uttu

Uttu was the name of the Sumerian goddess
associated with weaving. Since the same sign is
also used sometimes to write the word for
‘spider’, it is possible that she was envisaged in
the form of a spider spinning a web.

Utu (Šamaš)

Utu was the Sumerian sun god, whose Ak-
kadian name was Šamaš. He represents the
brilliant light of the sun, which returns every
day to illuminate the life of mankind, as well as
giving beneficial warmth, which causes
plants to grow. In the Sumerian tradition, Utu
was the son of Nanna, the moon god, and twin
brother of Inana. In Akkadian traditions he

31,152

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utukku

was sometimes made the son of Anu (An) or of
Enlil. His wife was Šerida or (in Akkadian)
Aya. The two principal temples of Utu, both
called E-babbar (‘White House’) were at
Sippar in Akkad, and Larsa in southern
Sumer. In the Assyrian Period, there was a
joint temple of Sama’ and Sin (Nanna-Suen)
at ASSur. The principal minister of Utu, his
charioteer and, according to some traditions,
his son, was the minor deity Bunene, worship-
ped from the Old Babylonian Period at Sippar
and Uruk, and later at Aššur.

The cult of Utu is attested from the earliest
times. Described as bearded and ‘long-armed’,
Utu emerged from the doors of heaven at dawn
and made a daily journey across the skies to
enter the ‘interior of heaven’ once again at dusk
by the parallel set of doors on the western hori-
zon. Cylinder seals show two gods opening the
doors of heaven for Utu to come forth (see
gatekeepers): the god brandishes his emblem
the pruning-saw, typical of such saws still used
in the Near East, with an arc-shaped blade and
large, jagged teeth. In the Babylonian Epic of
Gilgameš, the twin-peaked mountain Mau is
located near the eastern doors of heaven.

Presumably because the sun, in its path across
the skies, sees everything, Utu/Samaé came to
be regarded as a god of truth, justice and right.
Šamaš, together with Adad (see Iškur), is in-
voked during Babylonian extispicy rituals. As a
protector of right and destroyer of evil, he also
had a warrior aspect to his personality.

A third aspect of Utu was his direct interest
in the affairs of mankind. One of the early
legendary kings of Uruk is described as a ‘son
of Utu’ in the composition called the ‘Sumer-
ian King List’, and Utu acted as a special pro-
tector of some of the later heroic kings of the
city, for instance Gilgameš. In the Babylonian
Epic of Gilgameš, Šamaš helps the hero
against the monstrous guardian of the Cedar
Forest, Humbaba (Huwawa). In the Sumerian
poem ‘Dumuzi’s Dream’, Utu helps Dumuzi
to escape from the galla-demons who have
come to take him to the underworld. Babylon-
ian Šamaš also acts as a just advisor in the
legend of Etana, when the eagle, who has been

184

cruelly tricked into a pit by the serpent, im-
plores the god’s help. Sama’ brings along
Etana, who has been praying to Šamaš for the
‘plant of giving birth’ (see ‘plant of life’), and
Etana and the eagle are able to assist each other:
subsequently Etana rides on the eagle’s back to
heaven.

A completely different rôle is assumed by
Utu in a typically irreverent Sumerian poem
when he tries to seduce his twin sister Inana by
getting her drunk. The goddess of love re-
sponds by pretending complete ignorance of
sexual intercourse or even kissing.

See Arabian gods; bull-man; cross; horse;
lion-humanoid; night; ring-staff, rod and
ring; Sacred Marriage; solar disc; Salmu;
scorpion-people; winged disc.

utukku: see udug.

vase with streams

The device known as the ‘flowing vase’ or ‘fer-
tility vase’ is a round-bodied, short-necked,
flared-rim jar with streams issuing from its
mouth. Sometimes fish are shown swimming
along the streams, or replacing the streams but
implying their presence. The vase can be held
by figures of various kinds. It is a common ele-
ment in art from early historic to Achaemenid
times. The Akkadian name for the vessel was
apparently hegallu, ‘abundance’.

In the Akkadian and Neo-Sumerian
Periods, the vase is sometimes held by the water
god Enki (Ea), but at this time, as in later
periods, it is most often held by figures of
Lahmu. Apparently the motif was associated
with Ea and the creatures of the abzu, among
whom Lahmu was sometimes to be counted.
The vase was not, however, a divine symbol in
the sense that it represented a particular deity,
but was a general attribute of certain divine and
semi-divine figures, perhaps signifying fer-
tility and abundance.

Venus: see Inana.

visions: see dreams and visions.

—

6,63

154
151

2,5

winged disc

SiS

153 Naked Lahmu gods hold vases with
flowing streams, to which the water-buffalo come
to drink. From the cylinder seal of Ibni-šarrum,
scribe to King Šar-kali-šarrī of Agade. Akkadian
Period.

wedge

A wedge-shaped implement is depicted as a
divine symbol or attribute in art from the Old
Babylonian down to the Neo-Babylonian
Period. It probably represents not so much the
basic element of cuneiform writing as the
actual stylus used to produce this script on
leather-hard clay. In practice a reed was used,
but gods’ styli might be of gold or silver. On
seals and sealings of the Old Babylonian
Period, this wedge is held by a number of

154 A wedge-shaped
stylus and tablet or
writing board,
symbolising the scribal
god Nabü. A common
device among the symbols
of the gods on Neo-
Babylonian monuments.

apparently different male deities, including the
water god Ea (Enki); a god who stands on a
bull, so probably Adad (see ISkur); and a god
who stands on a snake-dragon, probably
Nabû. From Middle Babylonian and Middle
Assyrian times we find the wedge not only as an
attribute ofthe scribal god Nabû, but also as his
independent symbol. It may be shown vertical
or horizontal, single or double, sometimes next
to (or replaced by) another piece of writing
apparatus, which has been interpreted as a
tablet or writing board. Sometimes, especially
on Neo-Babylonian seals, the symbol is shown
on the back of Nabi’s snake-dragon, or the
god, holding his wedge, himself stands upon
the dragon.

Some temple slaves were branded with the
symbol of a wedge (see dedication).

wine: see alcohol; food and drink of the
gods; libation.

winged disc

Both the origins and meaning of the winged
solar disc are matters of controversy. Probably
its ultimate origins were in Egypt, from where
it passed via the Syrians and the Hittites to
Mesopotamia. It first appears there in the glyp-
tic art of the Mitannian kingdom, and was then
transmitted to Assyrian and Babylonian art.
Taken over by the Achaemenid Persians, it re-
mained an important emblem in Iran until

185

21,155

131, 144

‘winged gate’

155 Assurnasirpal rn, king of Assyria (883-
859BC), rides into battle, firing at the enemy.
From the sky he receives more than symbolic
support from a god flying in a winged disc.
Monumental stone relief from the royal palace at
Kalhu (modern Nimrud). Ht. 0.93m.

modern times. Often in Assyria, and normally
in Achaemenid art, the figure of a god is shown
above the central disc, in Assyria sometimes
with the heads of two facing figures, perhaps
scorpion-people, set at the ends of the wings.

The disc in Assyria was a symbol of Šamaš
(Utu), though it has been attributed by some
scholars to Aššur or Ninurta. The disc is
often supported by supernatural creatures,
such as a pair of bull-men, a pair of scorpion-
men or a figure of Lahmu.

See Salmu; stylised tree and its ‘rituals’.

‘winged gate’: see bull and ‘winged gate’.

witchcraft

Witchcraft, or sorcery, is the term used for the
less attractive aspects of magic, which played a
prominent part in everyday life in ancient
Mesopotamia. Witchcraft was officially disap-

186

proved of because of its harmful effects and was
punishable under the law, although its tech-
niques were probably not very different from
those of acceptable white magic. The practi-
tioners of witchcraft seem to have been more
often female than male. According to the laws
of Hammurabi of Babylon (reigned 1848-1806
BC), a person accused of witchcraft had to sub-
mit to the river ordeal, and if proved guilty
forfeited all property to the accuser. However,
if they were proved innocent, the accuser was
put to death.
See: magic and sorcery.

word

The idea of the power of a god’s word as an
instrument of creation is less common in
Mesopotamia than, for instance, inthe Hebrew
literature of the Bible. However, just as kings
command and things happen, so the Meso-
potamian gods had only to utter for actuality to
follow. The Sumerian balag poems (long reli-
gious lyric poems) abound in meditations on
the ‘Word’ of particular gods, dwelling as
much on the terrifying and potentially destruc-
tive aspects of this attribute as on its beneficial,
creative side: the Word of An or Enlil can

156

cause floods, destruction and diseases just as
much as it can bring new life to the people.

In magical practice, it was extremely impor-
tant to pronounce the words of an incantation
clearly and exactly. Incantations are usually in
Sumerian or Akkadian, occasionally in the
Elamite language and only rarely are they com-
plete mumbo jumbo, although some words of
the ‘abracadabra’ type are used.

See magic and sorcery.

wrestlers

Wrestling seems to have been a favourite sport
among the Sumerians and Babylonians. Gil-
gameš and Enkidu wrestle when they first
meet: it has been suggested that the passage in
the Old Babylonian version of the Epic of Gil-
gameš describes what is called belt-wrestling,
where each contestant grapples the other by the
belt while trying to floor his opponent.

In some magical protective rituals, images or
figurines of wrestlers were used. ‘You make
two bitumen figurines of wrestlers linked to-
gether and place them on the threshold’; ‘You
draw twin wrestlers in whitewash on the gate;
you place bitumen figurines of twin wrestlers
on the threshold, left and right.’ Boxers as well
as wrestlers are depicted in Babylonian art.

See magic and sorcery.

Xisouthros: see Ziusura.

156 A wrestling
bout depicted on a
limestone plaque of
the Early Dynastic
Period, from the
temple of the
goddess Nintu at
Tutub (modern
Khafajah).

W.24o mm.

ziggurats

Zababa

Zababa was the local god of the important city
of Kiš in northern Babylonia. His cult is attes-
ted already from the Early Dynastic Period. In
the local tradition of Ki8, his wife was Inana/
IStar, and the worship of Inana of Kiš was an
important secondary cult of the goddess. The
personality of Zababa appears to have been that
of a god of war, and from the Old Babylonian
Period he was identified with Ningirsu or
Ninurta. In a list of gods he is described as
the ‘Marduk of battle’. The principal cult
centre of Zababa was the temple E-mete-ursa&
at Kis. An eagle-headed staff (see standards,
staves and sceptres of the gods) was his
symbol.

ziggurats

Zigqurratu (usually anglicised as ‘ziggurats’)
were pyramidal, stepped temple towers con-
structed at many of the cities of southern
Mesopotamia from about 2200 until 550 BC,
and imitated in the north by the Assyrians.
They were built of solid brick, without internal
rooms or spaces (save for drainage shafts). On
the summit was constructed one or more
shrines, usually to the principal god of the city,
and sometimes including the bedchamber used
for Sacred Marriage ceremonies. Access to
the summit, when there is evidence, was by an
exterior triple stairway or by spiral ramp. In

157

ziggurats

other cases, if there was access at all, it may
have been from the roof-tops of neighbouring
buildings. Usually the structures were square
or rectangular, averaging about 40 X 50 metres
at base. No example is preserved to its full orig-
inal height. The largest surviving ziggurat is at
Al-Untaš-Napiriša (modern Choga Zanbil), in
Elam, built in the thirteenth century BC, 100
metres square and preserved to 24 metres high
(which is estimated at slightly less than half its
original height). Uniquely, access was via in-
ternal stairways.

The best-preserved example is that of the
moon god Nanna at Ur. The lower part of the
structure, built by Ur-Nammu, founder of the
Third Dynasty, is substantially intact, and
enough of the upper part survives for reliable
reconstruction. The monument is 64 X 46
metres at base and originally about 12 metres in
height with three storeys (increased to seven by
Nabonidus in the sixth century Bc). The
corners are oriented to the cardinal points of
the compass. The walls, sheer on three sides
but relieved by shallow buttresses, curve
slightly outwards from corner to corner and
slope steadily inwards towards the summit,
where the shrine stood. This was reached by a

great stairway on the northern side, dividing
into three separate stairways, each of a hundred
steps, from the level of the lowest terrace to the
ground. Two of these stairways lean against the
walls, while the third projects at right angles at
the middle of the structure, focusing attention
on the central axis, and so on the summit and
shrine. The approach on all four sides was
through a broad courtyard with gateways
flanked by towers. The core of the ziggurat is
sun-dried brick, faced with more than two
metres of baked bricks set in bitumen.

The ziggurat at Ur shares some features with
ziggurats in general, throughout the long his-
tory of their construction. Horizontal layers of
reeds or reed matting were usually placed
at intervals between the courses of brick, and’
external weep-holes and internal vertical
shafts were intended to release moisture and
rainwater.

The development of the ziggurat should
probably be seen as an extension of the prin-
ciples of ‘high’ temple construction (see
temples and temple architecture). There is
evidence for the existence of models of zig-
gurats. On seals the association of ziggurats
with symbols of gods may suggest that such

157 The ziggurat tower at Ur, in present-day southern Iraq, partially reconstructed.

188

158

158 A worshipper stands before a censer, an
altar with offerings, a symbol and a (model ?)
ziggurat. From a cylinder seal of the Neo-
Babylonian Period.

models were placed in shrines. In late Babylon-

ian times it is likely that instead of, or in addition

to, their original function as temple towers, the

ziggurats were employed as astronomical obser-

vation posts (see astrology and astronomy).
See Tower of Babel.

Ziusura (Ut-napi8ti)

Ziusura is the hero of the story of the Flood in
a Sumerian version probably dating from the
late Old Babylonian Period. The gods decide
to send a flood ‘to destroy the seed of the human
race’. A certain god takes pity on mankind and
instructs the king of Suruppag, Ziusura, to
build a great boat, in which he is able to survive
the waters. After his salvation, he makes an
offering of thanks and eventually receives an
‘eternal inspiration’, going to live in the
country of Dilmun.

A version in Akkadian of the Flood Story,
incorporating the creation of mankind, may be
of slightly earlier date; part of a later Standard
Babylonian version also survives. In these, the
protagonist is called Atra-hasis, ‘the very wise’.
The best known account of the Flood, how-
ever, is that incorporated into the Standard
Babylonian Epic of Gilgameš. In search of
immortality, Gilgame journeys to visit one Ut-
napisti (probably Uta-napistam, ‘He found
life’), remembering that this man had received

Ziusura (Ut-napiiti)

eternal life after surviving the Flood. Ut-
napisti’s story is then related. This time the
initial setting is the city of Suruppag, and it is
Ea (Enki) himself who instructs his protégé on
the construction of a vessel, by which his
family, together with artisans, animals and
precious metals can be saved. After seven days
of riding the storms, the ship runs aground on
Mount Nimué (probably in the Judi Dagh in
south-east Turkey). After another seven days a
pigeon, a swallow and a raven are sent out. The
last finds a place to perch and so does not
return, indicating that the waters are receding.
The survivors then leave the ship and make
sacrifices to heaven. Repenting the entire busi-
ness, Enlil rewards Ūt-napišti for saving
human and animal life by the grant of immor-
tality: ‘Until now Ut-napi8ti has been only
human, but from now on Ut-napi8ti and his
wife shall be like us gods.’

When Gilgameš requests Ūt-napišti to show
him the secret of immortality, the hero of the
Flood challenges him to stay awake and con-
quer sleep. In this Gilgameš fails: he can never
be immortal. Ut-napi8ti does tell Gilgame’,
however, of a plant that has rejuvenating
properties for mortals. Gilgameš acquires the
plant but loses it to a passing snake, who eats it
up, shedding its old skin for a new one (see
‘plant of life’).

The latest version of the story is one written
in Greek in about 275 BC by Berossos, priest of
Bél (Marduk) at Babylon. The hero is now
called Xisouthros, clearly echoing the original
Sumerian name. At the command of the god
Kronos, Xisouthros saves his family, friends
and the animals in a ship which he has con-
structed. When the Flood subsides, he re-
leases birds in order to test the recession of the
waves; the third group do not return. Xisouth-
ros disembarks with his wife, daughter and
pilot, who make sacrifices to the gods. They
disappear. The rest of the company also disem-
bark and proceed to Babylonia on foot, the ves-
sel coming to rest on the Cordaean mountains
of Armenia.

The Biblical narrative of Noah and the
Flood in Genesis shows many similarities to

189

zodiac

the story of Ziusura in the Mesopotamian tra-
dition.
See Dilmun.

zodiac

The association of certain constellations with
the months of the year was first made by the
Babylonians. By about 1oooBc they recog-
nised eighteen zodiacal constellations (con-
stellations through whose path the moon and
planets appeared to move): the Hired Man
(corresponding to our Aries), the Stars (the
Pleiades, see seven dots; Seven (gods)), the
Bull of Heaven (Taurus), the True Shepherd
of Anu (An) (Orion), the Old Man (Perseus),
the Crook (Auriga), the Great Twins (Gem-
ini, see Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea), the
Crab (Cancer), the Lion (Leo), the Furrow
(Virgo, see Šala), the Scales (Libra), the Scor-
pion (Scorpius), Pabilsağ (Sagittarius), the
Goat-fish (Capricornus), the Great One

kK%
ee He

159 Signs for
constellations, including
the Pleiades, Leo and
Taurus, drawn on a clay
tablet with an
astronomical text, found
at Uruk (modern Warka)
and dating from the
Seleucid Period.

190

(Aquarius), the Tail, the Swallow and Anunitu
(these last three forming together Pisces). Later
the constellation the Field (Pegasus) was
added.

By 600-500 BC these were systematised in
such a way that they were distributed among the
twelve months, singly or sometimes in pairs.
For instance, the second month of the Baby-
lonian year (corresponding to mid-April to
mid-May) had both Taurus and the Pleiades;
the third month Gemini and Orion; and the
twelfth month Pisces and Pegasus. By about
400 BC the number of zodiacal constellations
was reduced to the twelve that we are familiar
with today, each covering 30° of the sky, and
beginning with Aries for the first month (cor-
responding to mid-March to mid-April).

All these constellations are illustrated on
astronomical tablets and on stamp-seals of the
Hellenistic Period. Some of them may also be
depicted on earlier kudurrus.

See astrology and astronomy.

QC 2422
5 SOI

147,159

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